Walter's Blog |
"But how can you live and have no story to tell?" Fyodor Dostoevsky
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Reflections on recent events, plus the occasional fact free rant unfiltered by rational argument.
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28/3/2018 0 Comments A Death in Hong Kong - Book Review  John Mac Lennan To be sure, much has been written about the MacLennan case. The colonial police inspector's death in 1980 has always drawn considerable attention from the chattering classes. Much of this crass idle speculation or outright distortion. Amateur sleuths, plus armchair detectives allied to conspiracy theories, held forth for decades. I cannot recall the number of times people have told me ‘it is not possible to shoot yourself five times with a gun’. What then follows is a futile attempt to assert the facts of MacLennan's suicide.
This book, ‘A Death in Hong Kong’ is probably the last word on the issue, unless new evidence comes to light. Nigel Collett, the author, has conducted painstaking research. He has coupled this detail with a clear explanation of the timeline. The examination is forensic, balanced for the most part, as he seeks to give an honest account of events. He portrays the key players, sets the scene and speaks to their motivations. Also, he adds details that are significant and new to me. Having read the TK Yang’s 1981 Inquiry report, one came away with a sense of sadness. Collett’s book reinforces that sentiment. Collett lays bare the machinations of a colonial government, concerned with appearances over the truth. Nobody comes out of this story smelling of roses. Even ardent campaigner Elsie Elliott (later Tu), who did so much to seek the truth, was not above using misleading statements. Having said that, she is the least guilty in this sorry saga. The same cannot be said of the government officials, including Sir Murray MacLehose. As said at the time, the story reached ‘from the gutter to Government House’. Gradually the Inquiry got closer to the Governor, having ‘mis-fired’ and run out of official control. Governor MacLehose fought to reign in TL Yang and the forthright counsel John Beveridge. The Governor's alleged interference in an inquiry lays bare the falsehood of ‘British’ justice. If the current post-1997 administration attempted a similar move, London would be screaming about the ‘rule of law’. The irony is splendid. This book serves to remind us that colonial governments exercised power with a ruthless leaning. MacLennan was easy fodder, while allegations against others, more senior, went un-investigated. The evidence points to colonial officials, including legal officers engaged in paedophile activities. These people retired without the veracity of the claims tested. What we’ve since learnt from such cases in the UK, is that you can’t take official denials at face value. During my service, I witnessed the infractions of senior folks ignored or explained away 'for the greater good'. The same violation by junior officers resulted in their careers ruined, as the full weight of the discipline system fell on them. The response to indebtedness illustrates the point. I’ve spent many an evening debating the MacLennan case, including with people mentioned in the book. Yet, I never knew that he had a rich lady-friend, who furnished him with a car. It's now clear he was bi-sexual. This fact changes the trajectory of the story. The narrative given the public was of a rogue police unit pursuing MacLennan of its own volition. That action, it's asserted, drove him to his death. Collett shows that throughout the SIU remained under the tight control of senior legal officials. This fact destroys the myth that MacLennan faced pursuit in a vendetta by a cowboy police outfit. Granted, while a couple of the investigators had anti-gay sentiments, this alone is circumstantial to what evolved. We know that briefings went up the chain of command, and the instructions came down. MacLennan was a target, not of the police but the colonial administration. In simple terms, the police served as a willing tool. Meanwhile, MacLehose sought to exculpate his Attorney General, the Commissioner of Police and those suspected of paedophilia. This shameless exercise of power erodes his achievements. If I have any quibbles with the book, these are minor and don’t detract from the thrust of events portrayed. For example, I don’t buy the suggestion that officers adopted corruption because funding was inadequate. The instance of buying typewriters gets cited. The scale and the organisation of the corruption that existed suggest greed was a motive. Besides, the syndicates drew everyone into their realm with payments. This action was a form of protection against the ICAC. There is some conjecture about the Yuen Long incident being a set-up of MacLennan. I agree with the assertion that Bob Wilkinson wouldn’t be a party to such an action. I met him on my third day in Hong Kong, and he always impressed me as the most upstanding of individuals. Moreover, there is no tangible evidence to suggest Rab Nawaz was culpable. I’d question whether any set-up existed. A couple of details surprised me. That MacLennan didn’t tell Elsie Elliot of his reinstatement when they met on 28th November 1978, is perplexing. Was he confused or seeking to apply more pressure on senior police managers? Also, Fulton, the informant, giving gifts to his handler, CIP Quinn, after a trip overseas. That’s an odd detail. I’d infer from that a close relationship, which sits uncomfortably with the allegation that Fulton was under pressure. The book mentions reporter Ian Whitely seeking to prove it’s possible to gain access to MacLennan’s flat through a bathroom window. I recall watching that attempt, which failed. Whitely almost fell down the building light-well. He had a history of such stunts, including once testing security at Government House. He climbed the perimeter wall, only to injure himself. The story of the handling of MacLennan’s remains is deplorable. An incorrect name and a drop-off at Aberdeen instead of the family home shows crass insensitivity. The Police Force should be ashamed of that process. The book is a must read for anyone seeking to understand a sad episode in Hong Kong’s history. It affirms that the simple assumption of murder as a cover-up is palpable nonsense. Although, you will still hear that scenario uttered today. The truth is more complicated and intriguing, but as disheartening. 25/3/2018 0 Comments Don't Zap the Zuck - Just Yet!  The Zuck Facebook was born of male juvenile frustration. If you believe that story, Zuckerberg couldn’t attract the ladies because he wasn’t part of the in-crowd. He fought back by creating an early form of social media for rating the girls and guys. The rest is history.
The 33-year-old has an estimated wealth of US$72 billion. He's gathered that vast sum in under 14 years. By any measure a remarkable achievement. Today, his baby hosts 2.2 billion users. In the process its transformed human communication bringing untold benefits. For many, Facebook is the only way to run their business, organise protests and training events, or keep in touch with far-flung friends and family. Online activists leveraged the power of Facebook to reach the world, expose corruption and dictators. Most of us use it for more mundane purposes. For me, it provided great reassurance that I could reach my daughter while at university overseas. She may not have always welcomed the ‘stalking’ as I followed her from party to party. But I must thank the Zuck for that opportunity. Yes, we had to have some rules to respect her privacy. As I reminded her, we only get to see the stuff she posts. If you don’t want your parents to see it, then its probably not something you should post. That’s a pretty good rule for social media. Remember, social media has a clue in its name. It’s social. This word indicates that you are broadcasting to the world. Even with all the filters operating, restricted access and other provisions, always assume everyone sees everything. Facebook is free to the user. So what is the product? Well, another thing to remember is that if something is free, then the product is you. The Facebook business model is simple and astute. You give as much personal data as you are prepared to offer. Zuck then sells that to advertisers to help them decide what to sell you. In turn, you get free access to some pretty cool technology. That’s the deal you sign up for with Facebook. And we’ve all gone along with it for several years. The latest imbroglio arises because some bright spark harnessed Facebook to politics. It was only a matter of time before this happened. The data we provide will give an insight into political views, then help steer how politicians address us. Let's be clear; this is not a breach of Facebook. You volunteered the information that was harvested and deployed. No one forced you to do that, although ignorance of the consequences was present. The technology worked fine, as usual, human vulnerability is as present as ever. Further, and this is significant, the underlying issues are not unique to Facebook. Other platforms do the same. The Zuck has proved slow to respond. He’s taken a fair kicking in the press. If he’s to claw back from this, he will need to do some quick work, including giving greater control to the users. These adjustments may involve a change in his business model. That's the price he needs to pay to survive. A movement is building to exit Facebook. I’m not sure it will have much momentum, given the reliance that many have on the platform. Plus, what’s the alternative? Where do you go to escape the clutches of Facebook? You’ve spent years creating communities, worked to maintained them. At this point, there is no real alternative to Facebook. It’s breadth of services, its penetration and volume of content make it challenging to drop. Be honest; it’s a lifeline for many. Community organisers, minority groups and isolated individuals use it as a window to the world. Facebook provides a reach that is not possible elsewhere, and its free at the point of delivery. No doubt governments are going to get tough on Zuck and others. That’s already in the pipeline. The EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) goes live on 25th May. The harmonised regulations bring tighter controls on data sharing as the conditions for consent get strengthened. Companies must use simple, intelligible language and easily accessible content forms. It must be as easy to withdraw approval as it is to give it. Some of the issues that allowed Cambridge Analytica to exploit Facebook are already contained by changes made. No doubt, in the future, new challenges will arise because the data that Facebook and others hold is gold. We may have to live with that. I recognise that deleting Facebook will have repercussions for my online and offline life. For the time being, I’m sticking with it. Yet, I’m not using any of the site-based apps and maximising my protection in the privacy settings. I don't play any of those silly games nor attempt the personality tests. Also, I’ll be watching to see steady improvements in controls. In many ways, we're privileged to live at a time when such things as Facebook open our eyes to the world. But don’t be blinded, there is a price to pay. |
AuthorWalter De Havilland was one of the last of the colonial coppers. He served 35 years in the Royal Hong Kong Police and Hong Kong Police Force. He's long retired. Archives
December 2022
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