British Policing - What's to be done?
"The police service has become a laboratory for sexual and racial equality instead of a crime prevention and crime-fighting institution."
I've been critical of the British police lately, taking some flak for my observations. One of the kinder challenges thrown my way was, "Come on, clever clogs, what is the solution?". It's a fair question that deserves a response.
Unfortunately, the 'solution', if it indeed exists, is somewhat beyond the remit of the police themselves, and if accessible, it would already be in place.
I remember the line, "Every place gets the police force it deserves." In unpicking that statement, the police reflect the society they serve with all the attendant issues of that place, and it's all about the culture.
For the record, my exposure to policing took in attachments and visits to the NYPD, LAPD, South Beach Miami, Singapore, Tokyo, the London Met, Gatwick Airport, Police Scotland and a couple of Chinese police forces. My insights developed during visits, seminars, attachments and courses.
In modern post-industrial Britain, fault lines are inevitable, with a failing economy and public services, societal polarisation, and a dominant culture perceived to be under threat. The themes that run through the present-day zeitgeist are national exhaustion, narcissism and cynicism.
The lack of a grand vision or new ideas speaks to exhaustion. While for nihilism, look no further than Boris Johnson and his cohort of chancers. Then, to talk to any Brit and the safety blanket of cynicism will soon appear; sometimes cloaked in humour and deflection, but it's there.
No doubt some folks live well, while former proud industrial towns become ghettoes of the low-paid and asylum seekers. I'm surprised the ever-building resentment doesn't spill over to widespread civil disorder.
Moreover, I'm happy to concede that there are complex issues around policing, and it would be arrogant to believe I have the whole solution. Nonetheless, some things could be done.
As I've said before, the UK officers I engaged with during my attachments in Britain were earnest, professional realists. They took pride in their role, understood the impact of their actions, and in some functions, proved the most proficient operators I've seen. You'd be hard-pressed to fault them in the large-scale criminal investigation arena. A recent example is the Lucy Letby case.
No, the issue is with the more mundane policing. The poor service provided day-to-day, inappropriate priorities favouring certain groups, and the general impression that policing does not serve the wider community. Add to that a lack of common sense and professionalism as displayed by officers in the recent West Yorkshire case.
On arrival as a visiting officer to overseas agencies, you'd see the curated official face, but at 4 a.m., in the back of a squad car, you get to witness the reality. The two often conflicted. I mention all this to frame my comprehension of the challenges faced by police officers and the dominate role of national culture.
In the US, all encounters with the public for enforcement action come presaged by the possibility of a gun appearing. The fear is almost palpable on both sides, tainting the whole interaction. By necessity, officers seek immediate control, often with few pleasantries. In turn, this escalates the tension, making the entire episode unpleasant. The trick is to de-escalate when satisfied that no one is in danger. That is not easy.
In Japan and Singapore, the atmosphere was different. I'll never forget my pleasant surprise when the foot patrol I accompanied in Tokyo approached a group of rowdy punks — one being sick in the gutter. The punks bowed, and the officers replied in kind. Formalities out the way, the officers enquired about the well-being of the drunk kid.
"He opened a vegetable store," was the translated reply that came back to much laughter. The punks promised to clear up the mess, and we moved on.
These anecdotal encounters illustrate a fundamental point. Policing takes place in a broader social context and against the background of societal norms. To reinforce the point, after an earthquake in Japan, the police don't need to deploy officers to guard against looters because the Japanese don't loot.
Meanwhile, in the US, random looting of stores is not uncommon, even without an earthquake. And the same has arrived in the UK. It is notable that Japan has retained a strong distinct national identity and community spirit.
And there is the rub for British policing. Societal changes drive the police into more and more conflict. The erosion of community cohesion, the absence of shame, the collapse of the family unit, and a divergence of values all come together. Then, police leaders magnify these challenges with remedies focused on specific rainbow client groups.
Years ago the police leadership surveyed the landscape, picked over past police failings and decided their sins could be cleansed by embracing the tenets of specific vocal client groups while demanding that most citizens fall in line. In turn, and response, the majority feel aggrieved.
Meanwhile, social media is facilitating criminality in many forms. The recent events in Oxford Street demonstrated the ease of coordinating direct challenges to law and order. And while the police can arrest and charge, what happens next illustrates the extent of the problem.
Overburdened courts and jails are at break point, while support services struggle to get kids back on track. Add drugs and poverty to that heady mix.
Plus, from the late 1960s onwards, many psychologically distressed people returned to the community as the old-style 'mental' hospitals closed. This policy resulted in the police responding to a vast surge in mental health cases as they became 'para-military social workers'. The number of requests to deal with mental health crises more than tripled between 2019 and 2021; Suffolk Constabulary saw an increase of 342% and Norfolk 260%.
There has long been recognition that police officers spend too much time attending mental health emergencies and accompanying people to A&E. And with the NHS struggling, officers loiter for many hours off the streets. Hopefully, this approach is now changing.
Yet, in 2022, the then Minister for Crime, Policing and Probation, the Rt Hon Kit Malthouse MP, was under no illusions, "Excellent police officers in this country are doing great work every day to keep the public safe despite, rather than because of, the system they are operating within."
He set out some stark statistics to illustrate why the crisis goes deep:
Detention of a person under the Mental Health Act increased by 33% between 2017 and 2020, and three million investigation hours per year were devoted to missing persons.
Then, the issue of youth crime arises. Youths aged 15 to 17 comprise 80% of the offending population, and the vast majority were males. During the pandemic, youth crime fell by the most significant amount in eight years. However, as restrictions have eased, police report rises in violence and robberies as knife crime continues to blight London and other large metropolitan centres.
Still, at one time, culture, the often unseen and unrecognised unifying force, held some of the wayward types in check. "Wait until your father gets home" was the threat. Or your Mum chasing you up the garden path to belt you with a broom because you'd sent another football smashing into Mrs Alsop's well-manicured garden.
As the undertaking of marriage, fatherhood and work eroded, we can put no shame on the outcomes because that is judgmental and may hurt someone's feelings. It is worth highlighting that women domesticate men, mainly when children result from a relationship; testosterone levels drop, and less risk-taking activity is seen.
Perhaps kicking away the family guide rails that constrained young men, who are responsible for most violent crimes, wasn't such a great idea. On a more positive note, most criminals rehabilitate themselves without any interventions. Reoffending drops dramatically after 30, and prison statistics show that most prisoners are under 40.
The police service, meanwhile, has become a laboratory for sexual and racial equality instead of a crime prevention and crime-fighting institution. Increasingly car-borne, responding rather than preventing, and dressed in para-military gear even on routine patrols, engagement with the public is weakened.
Needless to say, the alarming scenes of citizens fighting to clear the roads of "just stop oil" protesters and then the police intervening against the citizens tell a story.
In the book, "Into the Night — A Year with the Police," the author, an avowed liberal, former teacher, volunteers as a special constable in London's Met covering Brixton. He comes to question his values in the face of the mayhem he witnessed. Observing that officers trained to fight crime more often found themselves acting as first responders for all society's troubles. At times, the officers outnumbered and under attack had no option but to retreat for fear of criticism if they used force.
The other lesson I took from the book and my reading of events is that until British society gains greater unity and consensus, reforming its culture to recognise the needs of the majority while welcoming others, nothing will change for the police.
Getting into some specifics, the very structure of British policing holds it back. With 45 territorial and three special police forces, fragmentation is inevitable. The territorial outfits are expected to tackle local crime effectively, but crime doesn't respect county boundaries, never mind international borders.
Are the entities at the centre, such as the National Crime Agency, with under 2000 officers, able to tackle complex fraud, international serious and organised crime? The evidence suggests they are over-stretched at best, and with much crime online, their skill sets may be out of kilter with needs.
There is no shortage of recognition of the problems faced by the UK police. Take this one example: a 192-page document, "A New Mode Of Protective Redesigning Policing And Public Safety For The 21st Century," by the Police Foundation think tank. Bursting with data, discussions, threat analysis and recommendations — it's a starkly honest assessment.
Yet, if I'm a chief constable and that document lands on my desk, my immediate response is, "What am I supposed to do with that? Where is the money to fund these initiatives? Will the focus shift in three years before these initiatives can produce fruit?"
In truth, a substantial academic industry researches and pontificates on policing, and most of it is ungrounded verbiage. Professors sitting in their ivory towers churn this stuff out as aspiring police leaders kowtow before them to earn academic credits to further their careers.
The number of 'policing degrees' delivered by higher education institutions, often in partnership with the police, has exploded, and the police-academia relationships are now routine and take place at all levels of policing. But who is dictating the outcomes, and are the 'professors' honest brokers in this endeavour?
Indeed, it's a good source of income when colleges struggle for funds. Nonetheless, the public is correct to ask, is all this tax-payer-funded research making the streets safer? I reckon not.
Then you have the College of Policing, a private company, provides most national guidance on how police should operate. Their 'guidance' introduced the controversial recording of non-crime hate speech that Harry Millar successfully contested. The College of Policing also mandated that all recruits must have a degree, making the universities the gatekeepers for those who become police officers. Does anyone see a problem with a private company dictating police policy?
A quick scan through the minutes of the Board of Directors of the College of Policing proved somewhat eye-opening. In 2022, with one-third of policing in special measures for failing to meet standards, the discussion was:
This assessment tallies with things I've witnessed; the leadership and supervision issue has arisen repeatedly. Likewise, a unwillingness to recognise a problem and to take advice. These traits are not unique to UK policing and exist in most well-established organisations. I saw the same here in Hong Kong, with only a crisis driving change.
The discussion around 'hate crime' recorded in the College minutes makes for interesting reading. It appears that equal weight is given to Court rulings and the demands of minority campaigners. Surely, you'd think the Courts have precedence. Not so.
Finally, details of the College's financial standing were deemed 'commercially' sensitive and deleted from the minutes, which opens up the whole debate around a private company dictating police policy.
There are glimmers of hope. Take the time to watch 'Hotel Custody', a documentary following the work of officers in the detention facility of Humberside Police. They deal with society's most damaged people — sad, lost and violent individuals every shift. Throughout, they display exceptional empathy and professionalism.
Yes, I know the officer's actions may be 'performative' with the cameras present. Still, what struck me is that the more mature ladies, without fancy qualifications, displayed skill sets that could talk down most situations with straightforward, honest engagement. Shining through was the value of time-earned life experience.
Likewise, a sergeant with a military background displayed calm authority, applying force in a controlled and moderate manner when detainees threatened staff. He made quick and appropriate decisions. Now, this is something I've repeatedly observed.
Hence, fast-tracking university graduates with few life skills, who've 'never dealt with an angry man,' remains a deeply flawed approach to picking police leaders.
Separately, within the police service upper command, there needs to be more modesty and a willingness to seek best practices elsewhere. In my specialist area of public order, I found the UK had limited effective tactics, and training that was mediocre at best. But any attempt to brief senior British colleagues on the merits of approaches used elsewhere met stiff resistance that bordered on arrogance.
For example, they wouldn't entertain the possibility that they had a blind spot that allowed riots to escalate while officers stood passive in cordon positions. In 2011, rather than act and face criticism, the Met police allowed looting and violence to go unchecked in London. As a consequence, unprotected communities suffered while the police dithered.
As an aside, it always struck me as odd that Britain was more than willing to apply robust and effective anti-riot tactics in the colonies but never at home. That alone tells a story about how culture constrains the options available to the police.
I increasingly wonder if the solution to the issues of policing in a cash-strapped society rests with the citizenry. I know as part of the unwritten social contract, the public foreswears the right to take the law into their own hands, and in return, the law and the police force protects us and our property. Yet, this is rapidly breaking down as a concept, especially as the police are too busy doing diversity audits.
Encouragingly, the citizens of the New Forest village of Lyndhurst have shown a possible template for citizen policing. They've harnessed the power of social media to make some inroads in tackling low-level crime without the need for the police.
Yet, I suspect there is no appetite for expanding the neighbourhood watch model with proper structures, legal powers and training. The danger of vigilantes and busy-bodies taking control is ever present, with a national aversion to 'curtain-twitchers.'
Still, I circle back to the point at the start of this discussion: "Every place gets the police force it deserves." Likewise, it's unwise to vainly seek a door to a Britain that has ceased to exist. Tropes such as the 'Dickson of Dock Green' myth of policing don't help, partly because these were never real — nothing more than nostalgic pastiche.
In short, a step in the right direction would be to refocus police priorities away from dealing with hurt feelings and pandering to specific client groups. In the broader context, my dreary conclusion is more strife. Without societal change, I regret a creeping surrender to lawlessness may continue unless a pivotal event swings the national helm in another direction.
Remember, culture eats strategy for breakfast.
Unfortunately, the 'solution', if it indeed exists, is somewhat beyond the remit of the police themselves, and if accessible, it would already be in place.
I remember the line, "Every place gets the police force it deserves." In unpicking that statement, the police reflect the society they serve with all the attendant issues of that place, and it's all about the culture.
For the record, my exposure to policing took in attachments and visits to the NYPD, LAPD, South Beach Miami, Singapore, Tokyo, the London Met, Gatwick Airport, Police Scotland and a couple of Chinese police forces. My insights developed during visits, seminars, attachments and courses.
In modern post-industrial Britain, fault lines are inevitable, with a failing economy and public services, societal polarisation, and a dominant culture perceived to be under threat. The themes that run through the present-day zeitgeist are national exhaustion, narcissism and cynicism.
The lack of a grand vision or new ideas speaks to exhaustion. While for nihilism, look no further than Boris Johnson and his cohort of chancers. Then, to talk to any Brit and the safety blanket of cynicism will soon appear; sometimes cloaked in humour and deflection, but it's there.
No doubt some folks live well, while former proud industrial towns become ghettoes of the low-paid and asylum seekers. I'm surprised the ever-building resentment doesn't spill over to widespread civil disorder.
Moreover, I'm happy to concede that there are complex issues around policing, and it would be arrogant to believe I have the whole solution. Nonetheless, some things could be done.
As I've said before, the UK officers I engaged with during my attachments in Britain were earnest, professional realists. They took pride in their role, understood the impact of their actions, and in some functions, proved the most proficient operators I've seen. You'd be hard-pressed to fault them in the large-scale criminal investigation arena. A recent example is the Lucy Letby case.
No, the issue is with the more mundane policing. The poor service provided day-to-day, inappropriate priorities favouring certain groups, and the general impression that policing does not serve the wider community. Add to that a lack of common sense and professionalism as displayed by officers in the recent West Yorkshire case.
On arrival as a visiting officer to overseas agencies, you'd see the curated official face, but at 4 a.m., in the back of a squad car, you get to witness the reality. The two often conflicted. I mention all this to frame my comprehension of the challenges faced by police officers and the dominate role of national culture.
In the US, all encounters with the public for enforcement action come presaged by the possibility of a gun appearing. The fear is almost palpable on both sides, tainting the whole interaction. By necessity, officers seek immediate control, often with few pleasantries. In turn, this escalates the tension, making the entire episode unpleasant. The trick is to de-escalate when satisfied that no one is in danger. That is not easy.
In Japan and Singapore, the atmosphere was different. I'll never forget my pleasant surprise when the foot patrol I accompanied in Tokyo approached a group of rowdy punks — one being sick in the gutter. The punks bowed, and the officers replied in kind. Formalities out the way, the officers enquired about the well-being of the drunk kid.
"He opened a vegetable store," was the translated reply that came back to much laughter. The punks promised to clear up the mess, and we moved on.
These anecdotal encounters illustrate a fundamental point. Policing takes place in a broader social context and against the background of societal norms. To reinforce the point, after an earthquake in Japan, the police don't need to deploy officers to guard against looters because the Japanese don't loot.
Meanwhile, in the US, random looting of stores is not uncommon, even without an earthquake. And the same has arrived in the UK. It is notable that Japan has retained a strong distinct national identity and community spirit.
And there is the rub for British policing. Societal changes drive the police into more and more conflict. The erosion of community cohesion, the absence of shame, the collapse of the family unit, and a divergence of values all come together. Then, police leaders magnify these challenges with remedies focused on specific rainbow client groups.
Years ago the police leadership surveyed the landscape, picked over past police failings and decided their sins could be cleansed by embracing the tenets of specific vocal client groups while demanding that most citizens fall in line. In turn, and response, the majority feel aggrieved.
Meanwhile, social media is facilitating criminality in many forms. The recent events in Oxford Street demonstrated the ease of coordinating direct challenges to law and order. And while the police can arrest and charge, what happens next illustrates the extent of the problem.
Overburdened courts and jails are at break point, while support services struggle to get kids back on track. Add drugs and poverty to that heady mix.
Plus, from the late 1960s onwards, many psychologically distressed people returned to the community as the old-style 'mental' hospitals closed. This policy resulted in the police responding to a vast surge in mental health cases as they became 'para-military social workers'. The number of requests to deal with mental health crises more than tripled between 2019 and 2021; Suffolk Constabulary saw an increase of 342% and Norfolk 260%.
There has long been recognition that police officers spend too much time attending mental health emergencies and accompanying people to A&E. And with the NHS struggling, officers loiter for many hours off the streets. Hopefully, this approach is now changing.
Yet, in 2022, the then Minister for Crime, Policing and Probation, the Rt Hon Kit Malthouse MP, was under no illusions, "Excellent police officers in this country are doing great work every day to keep the public safe despite, rather than because of, the system they are operating within."
He set out some stark statistics to illustrate why the crisis goes deep:
- Over 40% of all crime is online fraud, most of which goes undetected, never mind prosecuted.
- Violent crime, often drug-related, has risen, with "homicide by sharp instruments" doubling between 2015 and 2021.
- Crime detection has fallen below 10%.
Detention of a person under the Mental Health Act increased by 33% between 2017 and 2020, and three million investigation hours per year were devoted to missing persons.
Then, the issue of youth crime arises. Youths aged 15 to 17 comprise 80% of the offending population, and the vast majority were males. During the pandemic, youth crime fell by the most significant amount in eight years. However, as restrictions have eased, police report rises in violence and robberies as knife crime continues to blight London and other large metropolitan centres.
Still, at one time, culture, the often unseen and unrecognised unifying force, held some of the wayward types in check. "Wait until your father gets home" was the threat. Or your Mum chasing you up the garden path to belt you with a broom because you'd sent another football smashing into Mrs Alsop's well-manicured garden.
As the undertaking of marriage, fatherhood and work eroded, we can put no shame on the outcomes because that is judgmental and may hurt someone's feelings. It is worth highlighting that women domesticate men, mainly when children result from a relationship; testosterone levels drop, and less risk-taking activity is seen.
Perhaps kicking away the family guide rails that constrained young men, who are responsible for most violent crimes, wasn't such a great idea. On a more positive note, most criminals rehabilitate themselves without any interventions. Reoffending drops dramatically after 30, and prison statistics show that most prisoners are under 40.
The police service, meanwhile, has become a laboratory for sexual and racial equality instead of a crime prevention and crime-fighting institution. Increasingly car-borne, responding rather than preventing, and dressed in para-military gear even on routine patrols, engagement with the public is weakened.
Needless to say, the alarming scenes of citizens fighting to clear the roads of "just stop oil" protesters and then the police intervening against the citizens tell a story.
In the book, "Into the Night — A Year with the Police," the author, an avowed liberal, former teacher, volunteers as a special constable in London's Met covering Brixton. He comes to question his values in the face of the mayhem he witnessed. Observing that officers trained to fight crime more often found themselves acting as first responders for all society's troubles. At times, the officers outnumbered and under attack had no option but to retreat for fear of criticism if they used force.
The other lesson I took from the book and my reading of events is that until British society gains greater unity and consensus, reforming its culture to recognise the needs of the majority while welcoming others, nothing will change for the police.
Getting into some specifics, the very structure of British policing holds it back. With 45 territorial and three special police forces, fragmentation is inevitable. The territorial outfits are expected to tackle local crime effectively, but crime doesn't respect county boundaries, never mind international borders.
Are the entities at the centre, such as the National Crime Agency, with under 2000 officers, able to tackle complex fraud, international serious and organised crime? The evidence suggests they are over-stretched at best, and with much crime online, their skill sets may be out of kilter with needs.
There is no shortage of recognition of the problems faced by the UK police. Take this one example: a 192-page document, "A New Mode Of Protective Redesigning Policing And Public Safety For The 21st Century," by the Police Foundation think tank. Bursting with data, discussions, threat analysis and recommendations — it's a starkly honest assessment.
Yet, if I'm a chief constable and that document lands on my desk, my immediate response is, "What am I supposed to do with that? Where is the money to fund these initiatives? Will the focus shift in three years before these initiatives can produce fruit?"
In truth, a substantial academic industry researches and pontificates on policing, and most of it is ungrounded verbiage. Professors sitting in their ivory towers churn this stuff out as aspiring police leaders kowtow before them to earn academic credits to further their careers.
The number of 'policing degrees' delivered by higher education institutions, often in partnership with the police, has exploded, and the police-academia relationships are now routine and take place at all levels of policing. But who is dictating the outcomes, and are the 'professors' honest brokers in this endeavour?
Indeed, it's a good source of income when colleges struggle for funds. Nonetheless, the public is correct to ask, is all this tax-payer-funded research making the streets safer? I reckon not.
Then you have the College of Policing, a private company, provides most national guidance on how police should operate. Their 'guidance' introduced the controversial recording of non-crime hate speech that Harry Millar successfully contested. The College of Policing also mandated that all recruits must have a degree, making the universities the gatekeepers for those who become police officers. Does anyone see a problem with a private company dictating police policy?
A quick scan through the minutes of the Board of Directors of the College of Policing proved somewhat eye-opening. In 2022, with one-third of policing in special measures for failing to meet standards, the discussion was:
- The root causes of failure were leadership and supervision.
- The College should go to forces earlier and encourage them to take up College support before going to the media.
- Forces could not be forced to engage.
This assessment tallies with things I've witnessed; the leadership and supervision issue has arisen repeatedly. Likewise, a unwillingness to recognise a problem and to take advice. These traits are not unique to UK policing and exist in most well-established organisations. I saw the same here in Hong Kong, with only a crisis driving change.
The discussion around 'hate crime' recorded in the College minutes makes for interesting reading. It appears that equal weight is given to Court rulings and the demands of minority campaigners. Surely, you'd think the Courts have precedence. Not so.
Finally, details of the College's financial standing were deemed 'commercially' sensitive and deleted from the minutes, which opens up the whole debate around a private company dictating police policy.
There are glimmers of hope. Take the time to watch 'Hotel Custody', a documentary following the work of officers in the detention facility of Humberside Police. They deal with society's most damaged people — sad, lost and violent individuals every shift. Throughout, they display exceptional empathy and professionalism.
Yes, I know the officer's actions may be 'performative' with the cameras present. Still, what struck me is that the more mature ladies, without fancy qualifications, displayed skill sets that could talk down most situations with straightforward, honest engagement. Shining through was the value of time-earned life experience.
Likewise, a sergeant with a military background displayed calm authority, applying force in a controlled and moderate manner when detainees threatened staff. He made quick and appropriate decisions. Now, this is something I've repeatedly observed.
Hence, fast-tracking university graduates with few life skills, who've 'never dealt with an angry man,' remains a deeply flawed approach to picking police leaders.
Separately, within the police service upper command, there needs to be more modesty and a willingness to seek best practices elsewhere. In my specialist area of public order, I found the UK had limited effective tactics, and training that was mediocre at best. But any attempt to brief senior British colleagues on the merits of approaches used elsewhere met stiff resistance that bordered on arrogance.
For example, they wouldn't entertain the possibility that they had a blind spot that allowed riots to escalate while officers stood passive in cordon positions. In 2011, rather than act and face criticism, the Met police allowed looting and violence to go unchecked in London. As a consequence, unprotected communities suffered while the police dithered.
As an aside, it always struck me as odd that Britain was more than willing to apply robust and effective anti-riot tactics in the colonies but never at home. That alone tells a story about how culture constrains the options available to the police.
I increasingly wonder if the solution to the issues of policing in a cash-strapped society rests with the citizenry. I know as part of the unwritten social contract, the public foreswears the right to take the law into their own hands, and in return, the law and the police force protects us and our property. Yet, this is rapidly breaking down as a concept, especially as the police are too busy doing diversity audits.
Encouragingly, the citizens of the New Forest village of Lyndhurst have shown a possible template for citizen policing. They've harnessed the power of social media to make some inroads in tackling low-level crime without the need for the police.
Yet, I suspect there is no appetite for expanding the neighbourhood watch model with proper structures, legal powers and training. The danger of vigilantes and busy-bodies taking control is ever present, with a national aversion to 'curtain-twitchers.'
Still, I circle back to the point at the start of this discussion: "Every place gets the police force it deserves." Likewise, it's unwise to vainly seek a door to a Britain that has ceased to exist. Tropes such as the 'Dickson of Dock Green' myth of policing don't help, partly because these were never real — nothing more than nostalgic pastiche.
In short, a step in the right direction would be to refocus police priorities away from dealing with hurt feelings and pandering to specific client groups. In the broader context, my dreary conclusion is more strife. Without societal change, I regret a creeping surrender to lawlessness may continue unless a pivotal event swings the national helm in another direction.
Remember, culture eats strategy for breakfast.
September 2023
Copyright © 2015