British Policing - What's to be done?
"The police service has become a laboratory for sexual and racial equality instead of a crime prevention and crime-fighting institution."
I've been critical of the British police lately and have taken some flak for my observations. One of the kinder challenges I've faced was, "Come on, clever clogs, what is the solution?"It's a fair question that deserves a response.
Unfortunately, the 'solution', if it indeed exists, is somewhat beyond the remit of the police themselves, and if accessible, it would already be in place.
I remember the line, "Every place gets the police force it deserves." On unpicking that statement, the police reflect the society they serve, with all the attendant issues of that place, and it's all about the culture.
For the record, my exposure to policing came through attachments and visits to the NYPD, LAPD, South Beach Miami, Singapore, Tokyo, the London Met, Gatwick Airport, Police Scotland and a couple of Chinese police forces. My insights developed through visits, seminars, attachments and courses.
In modern post-industrial Britain, fault lines are inevitable, given a failing economy and public services, societal polarisation, and a dominant culture perceived to be under threat. The themes that run through the present-day zeitgeist are national exhaustion, narcissism and cynicism.
The lack of a grand vision or new ideas speaks to exhaustion. As for nihilism, look no further than Boris Johnson and his cohort of chancers. Then, talk to any Brit and the safety blanket of cynicism will soon appear; sometimes cloaked in humour and deflection, but it's there.
No doubt some folks live well, while former proud industrial towns become ghettos of low-paid workers and asylum seekers. I'm surprised the ever-building resentment doesn't spill over into widespread civil disorder.
Moreover, I'm happy to concede that there are complex issues surrounding policing, and it would be arrogant to believe I have the whole solution. Nonetheless, some things could be done.
As I've said before, the UK officers I worked with during my attachments in Britain were earnest, professional realists. They took pride in their role, understood the impact of their actions, and in some functions proved to be the most proficient operators I've seen. You'd be hard-pressed to fault them in large-scale criminal investigations.
No, the issue is with the more mundane policing. This includes poor day-to-day service, inappropriate priorities favouring certain groups, and the general impression that policing does not serve the wider community. Add to that a lack of common sense and professionalism, as displayed by officers in the recent West Yorkshire case.
On arrival as a visiting officer at overseas agencies, you'd see the curated official face, but at 4 a.m., in the back of a squad car, you get to witness the reality. The two often conflict. I mention all this to frame my understanding of the challenges faced by police officers and the dominant role of national culture.
In the US, all encounters with the public involving enforcement action are preceded by the possibility of a gun being present. The fear is almost palpable on both sides, tainting the whole interaction. By necessity, officers seek immediate control, often with few pleasantries. In turn, this escalates the tension, making the entire episode unpleasant. The trick is to de-escalate when satisfied that no one is in danger. That is not easy.
In Japan and Singapore, the atmosphere was different. I'll never forget my pleasant surprise when the foot patrol I accompanied in Tokyo approached a group of rowdy punks — one of them was sick in the gutter. The punks bowed, and the officers replied in kind. With formalities out of the way, the officers enquired about the drunk kid's well-being.
"He opened a vegetable store" was the translated reply, which drew much laughter. The punks promised to clear up the mess, and we moved on.
These anecdotal encounters illustrate a fundamental point. Policing takes place within a broader social context and against the backdrop of societal norms. To reinforce the point, after an earthquake in Japan, the police don't need to deploy officers to guard against looters because the Japanese don't loot.
Meanwhile, in the US, random looting of stores is not uncommon, even without an earthquake. The same has arrived in the UK. It is notable that Japan has retained a strong, distinct national identity and community spirit.
And there lies the rub for British policing. Societal changes drive the police into ever more conflict. The erosion of community cohesion, the absence of shame, the collapse of the family unit, and a divergence of values all converge. Then, police leaders magnify these challenges with remedies focused on specific rainbow client groups.
Years ago, the police leadership surveyed the landscape, picked over past police failings, and decided their sins could be cleansed by embracing the tenets of specific vocal client groups while demanding that most citizens fall in line. In turn, the majority feel aggrieved.
Meanwhile, social media is facilitating crime in many forms. The recent events on Oxford Street demonstrated how easily direct challenges to law and order can be coordinated. And while the police can arrest and charge, what happens next illustrates the extent of the problem.
Overburdened courts and jails are at breaking point, while support services struggle to get kids back on track. Add drugs and poverty to that heady mix.
Plus, from the late 1960s onwards, many psychologically distressed people returned to the community as the old-style 'mental' hospitals closed. This policy led the police to respond to a vast surge in mental health cases, effectively becoming 'para-military social workers'. The number of requests to deal with mental health crises more than tripled between 2019 and 2021; Suffolk Constabulary saw an increase of 342% and Norfolk 260%.
There has long been recognition that police officers spend too much time responding to mental health emergencies and accompanying people to A&E. With the NHS struggling, officers are loitering for many hours off the streets. Hopefully, this approach is now changing.
Yet in 2022, the then Minister for Crime, Policing and Probation, the Rt Hon Kit Malthouse MP, was under no illusions. "Excellent police officers in this country are doing great work every day to keep the public safe despite, rather than because of, the system they are operating within."
He set out some stark statistics to illustrate why the crisis goes deep:
Then, the issue of youth crime arises. Young people aged 15 to 17 make up 80% of the offending population, and the vast majority are male. During the pandemic, youth crime fell by the most significant amount in eight years. However, as restrictions have eased, police report rises in violence and robberies, while knife crime continues to blight London and other large metropolitan centres.
Still, at one time, culture, the often unseen and unrecognised unifying force, kept some of the wayward types in check. "Wait until your father gets home" was the threat. Or your Mum chasing you up the garden path to belt you with a broom because you'd sent another football smashing into Mrs Alsop's well-manicured garden.
As the commitment to marriage, fatherhood and work eroded, we can put no shame on the outcomes, because that is judgemental and may hurt someone's feelings. It is worth highlighting that women domesticate men, mainly when children result from a relationship; testosterone levels drop, and less risk-taking activity is observed.
Perhaps kicking away the family guide rails that constrained young men, who are responsible for most violent crimes, wasn't such a great idea. On a more positive note, most criminals rehabilitate themselves without intervention. Reoffending drops dramatically after 30, and prison statistics show that most prisoners are under 40.
The police service, meanwhile, has become a laboratory for sexual and racial equality rather than a crime-prevention and crime-fighting institution. Increasingly car-borne, responding rather than preventing, and dressed in paramilitary gear even on routine patrols, the service weakens engagement with the public.
Needless to say, the alarming scenes of citizens fighting to clear the roads of "just stop oil" protesters, followed by the police intervening against the citizens, tell a story.
In the book "Into the Night — A Year with the Police," the author, an avowed liberal and former teacher, volunteers as a special constable with London's Met, covering Brixton. He comes to question his values in the face of the mayhem he witnesses. He observes that officers trained to fight crime more often find themselves acting as first responders to all of society's troubles. At times, outnumbered and under attack, the officers have no option but to retreat for fear of criticism if they use force.
The other lesson I drew from the book and my reading of events is that until British society achieves greater unity and consensus, and reforms its culture to recognise the needs of the majority while welcoming others, nothing will change for the police.
Getting into specifics, the very structure of British policing holds it back. With 45 territorial and three special police forces, fragmentation is inevitable. The territorial forces are expected to tackle local crime effectively, but crime doesn't respect county boundaries, let alone international borders.
Are the entities at the centre, such as the National Crime Agency, with under 2000 officers, able to tackle complex fraud, international serious and organised crime? The evidence suggests they are overstretched at best, and with much of the crime online, their skill sets may be out of kilter with the needs.
There is no shortage of recognition of the problems faced by the UK police. Take this example: a 192-page document, "A New Mode Of Protective Redesigning Policing And Public Safety For The 21st Century," by the Police Foundation think tank. Bursting with data, discussions, threat analysis and recommendations, it's a starkly honest assessment.
Yet if I'm a chief constable and that document lands on my desk, my immediate response is, "What am I supposed to do with it? Where is the money to fund these initiatives? Will the focus shift in three years, before these initiatives can bear fruit?"
In truth, a substantial academic industry researches and pontificates on policing, and most of it is ungrounded verbiage. Professors in their ivory towers churn this stuff out while aspiring police leaders kowtow to them to earn academic credits to further their careers.
The number of 'policing degrees' delivered by higher education institutions, often in partnership with the police, has exploded, and police-academia relationships are now routine and occur at all levels of policing. But who is dictating the outcomes, and are the 'professors' honest brokers in this endeavour?
Indeed, it's a good source of income when colleges struggle for funds. Nonetheless, the public is right to ask whether all this taxpayer-funded research is making the streets safer. I reckon not.
Then there is the College of Policing, a private company that provides most national guidance on how the police should operate. Its 'guidance' introduced the controversial recording of non-crime hate speech, which Harry Millar successfully contested. The College of Policing also mandated that all recruits must have a degree, making universities the gatekeepers for those who become police officers. Does anyone see a problem with a private company dictating police policy?
A quick scan of the minutes of the Board of Directors of the College of Policing proved somewhat eye-opening. In 2022, with one-third of policing in special measures for failing to meet standards, the discussion was:
The discussion of 'hate crime' recorded in the College minutes makes for interesting reading. It appears that equal weight is given to Court rulings and the demands of minority campaigners. Surely, you'd think the Courts would take precedence. Not so.
Finally, details of the College's financial standing were deemed 'commercially' sensitive and removed from the minutes, which raises the whole debate about a private company dictating police policy.
There are glimmers of hope. Take the time to watch 'Hotel Custody', a documentary following the work of officers at Humberside Police's detention facility. They deal with society's most damaged people — sad, lost and violent individuals — every shift. Throughout, they display exceptional empathy and professionalism.
Yes, I know the officers’ actions may be 'performative' when the cameras are present. Still, what struck me was that the more mature ladies, without fancy qualifications, displayed skills that could defuse most situations through straightforward, honest engagement. Shining through was the value of time-earned life experience.
Likewise, a sergeant with a military background displayed calm authority, applying force in a controlled, measured manner when detainees threatened staff. He made quick, appropriate decisions. I've repeatedly observed this.
Hence, fast-tracking university graduates with limited life skills, who've 'never dealt with an angry man’, remains a deeply flawed approach to selecting police leaders.
Separately, within the upper command of the police service, there needs to be greater modesty and a willingness to seek best practices elsewhere. In my specialist area of public order, I found that the UK had limited effective tactics and, at best, mediocre training. However, any attempt to brief senior British colleagues on the merits of approaches used elsewhere met with stiff resistance, bordering on arrogance.
For example, they wouldn't entertain the possibility of a blind spot that allowed riots to escalate while officers stood passively in cordon positions. In 2011, rather than act and face criticism, the Met Police allowed looting and violence to go unchecked in London. As a consequence, unprotected communities suffered while the police dithered.
As an aside, it has always struck me as odd that Britain was more than willing to deploy robust and effective anti-riot tactics in the colonies but never at home. That alone tells a story about how culture constrains the options available to the police.
I increasingly wonder whether the solution to the issues surrounding policing in a cash-strapped society rests with the citizenry. I know that, as part of the unwritten social contract, the public forswears the right to take the law into their own hands, and in return the law and the police force protect us and our property. Yet this is rapidly breaking down as a concept, especially as the police are too busy conducting diversity audits.
Encouragingly, the citizens of the New Forest village of Lyndhurst have shown a possible template for citizen policing. They've harnessed the power of social media to make inroads in tackling low-level crime without the need for police.
Yet I suspect there is little appetite for expanding the neighbourhood watch model to include proper structures, legal powers and training. The danger of vigilantes and busybodies taking control is ever-present, given a national aversion to ‘curtain-twitchers'.
Still, I return to the point at the start of this discussion: "Every place gets the police force it deserves." Likewise, it's unwise to vainly seek a door to a Britain that no longer exists. Tropes such as the 'Dickson of Dock Green' myth of policing don't help, partly because they were never real — nothing more than nostalgic pastiche.
In short, a step in the right direction would be to refocus police priorities away from dealing with hurt feelings and pandering to specific client groups. In the broader context, my dreary conclusion is that more strife lies ahead. Without societal change, I regret that a creeping surrender to lawlessness may continue unless a pivotal event shifts the national helm in another direction.
Remember, culture eats strategy for breakfast.
Unfortunately, the 'solution', if it indeed exists, is somewhat beyond the remit of the police themselves, and if accessible, it would already be in place.
I remember the line, "Every place gets the police force it deserves." On unpicking that statement, the police reflect the society they serve, with all the attendant issues of that place, and it's all about the culture.
For the record, my exposure to policing came through attachments and visits to the NYPD, LAPD, South Beach Miami, Singapore, Tokyo, the London Met, Gatwick Airport, Police Scotland and a couple of Chinese police forces. My insights developed through visits, seminars, attachments and courses.
In modern post-industrial Britain, fault lines are inevitable, given a failing economy and public services, societal polarisation, and a dominant culture perceived to be under threat. The themes that run through the present-day zeitgeist are national exhaustion, narcissism and cynicism.
The lack of a grand vision or new ideas speaks to exhaustion. As for nihilism, look no further than Boris Johnson and his cohort of chancers. Then, talk to any Brit and the safety blanket of cynicism will soon appear; sometimes cloaked in humour and deflection, but it's there.
No doubt some folks live well, while former proud industrial towns become ghettos of low-paid workers and asylum seekers. I'm surprised the ever-building resentment doesn't spill over into widespread civil disorder.
Moreover, I'm happy to concede that there are complex issues surrounding policing, and it would be arrogant to believe I have the whole solution. Nonetheless, some things could be done.
As I've said before, the UK officers I worked with during my attachments in Britain were earnest, professional realists. They took pride in their role, understood the impact of their actions, and in some functions proved to be the most proficient operators I've seen. You'd be hard-pressed to fault them in large-scale criminal investigations.
No, the issue is with the more mundane policing. This includes poor day-to-day service, inappropriate priorities favouring certain groups, and the general impression that policing does not serve the wider community. Add to that a lack of common sense and professionalism, as displayed by officers in the recent West Yorkshire case.
On arrival as a visiting officer at overseas agencies, you'd see the curated official face, but at 4 a.m., in the back of a squad car, you get to witness the reality. The two often conflict. I mention all this to frame my understanding of the challenges faced by police officers and the dominant role of national culture.
In the US, all encounters with the public involving enforcement action are preceded by the possibility of a gun being present. The fear is almost palpable on both sides, tainting the whole interaction. By necessity, officers seek immediate control, often with few pleasantries. In turn, this escalates the tension, making the entire episode unpleasant. The trick is to de-escalate when satisfied that no one is in danger. That is not easy.
In Japan and Singapore, the atmosphere was different. I'll never forget my pleasant surprise when the foot patrol I accompanied in Tokyo approached a group of rowdy punks — one of them was sick in the gutter. The punks bowed, and the officers replied in kind. With formalities out of the way, the officers enquired about the drunk kid's well-being.
"He opened a vegetable store" was the translated reply, which drew much laughter. The punks promised to clear up the mess, and we moved on.
These anecdotal encounters illustrate a fundamental point. Policing takes place within a broader social context and against the backdrop of societal norms. To reinforce the point, after an earthquake in Japan, the police don't need to deploy officers to guard against looters because the Japanese don't loot.
Meanwhile, in the US, random looting of stores is not uncommon, even without an earthquake. The same has arrived in the UK. It is notable that Japan has retained a strong, distinct national identity and community spirit.
And there lies the rub for British policing. Societal changes drive the police into ever more conflict. The erosion of community cohesion, the absence of shame, the collapse of the family unit, and a divergence of values all converge. Then, police leaders magnify these challenges with remedies focused on specific rainbow client groups.
Years ago, the police leadership surveyed the landscape, picked over past police failings, and decided their sins could be cleansed by embracing the tenets of specific vocal client groups while demanding that most citizens fall in line. In turn, the majority feel aggrieved.
Meanwhile, social media is facilitating crime in many forms. The recent events on Oxford Street demonstrated how easily direct challenges to law and order can be coordinated. And while the police can arrest and charge, what happens next illustrates the extent of the problem.
Overburdened courts and jails are at breaking point, while support services struggle to get kids back on track. Add drugs and poverty to that heady mix.
Plus, from the late 1960s onwards, many psychologically distressed people returned to the community as the old-style 'mental' hospitals closed. This policy led the police to respond to a vast surge in mental health cases, effectively becoming 'para-military social workers'. The number of requests to deal with mental health crises more than tripled between 2019 and 2021; Suffolk Constabulary saw an increase of 342% and Norfolk 260%.
There has long been recognition that police officers spend too much time responding to mental health emergencies and accompanying people to A&E. With the NHS struggling, officers are loitering for many hours off the streets. Hopefully, this approach is now changing.
Yet in 2022, the then Minister for Crime, Policing and Probation, the Rt Hon Kit Malthouse MP, was under no illusions. "Excellent police officers in this country are doing great work every day to keep the public safe despite, rather than because of, the system they are operating within."
He set out some stark statistics to illustrate why the crisis goes deep:
- Over 40% of all crime is online fraud, most of which goes undetected, never mind prosecuted.
- Violent crime, often drug-related, has risen, with "homicide by sharp instruments" doubling between 2015 and 2021.
- Crime detection has fallen below 10%.
Then, the issue of youth crime arises. Young people aged 15 to 17 make up 80% of the offending population, and the vast majority are male. During the pandemic, youth crime fell by the most significant amount in eight years. However, as restrictions have eased, police report rises in violence and robberies, while knife crime continues to blight London and other large metropolitan centres.
Still, at one time, culture, the often unseen and unrecognised unifying force, kept some of the wayward types in check. "Wait until your father gets home" was the threat. Or your Mum chasing you up the garden path to belt you with a broom because you'd sent another football smashing into Mrs Alsop's well-manicured garden.
As the commitment to marriage, fatherhood and work eroded, we can put no shame on the outcomes, because that is judgemental and may hurt someone's feelings. It is worth highlighting that women domesticate men, mainly when children result from a relationship; testosterone levels drop, and less risk-taking activity is observed.
Perhaps kicking away the family guide rails that constrained young men, who are responsible for most violent crimes, wasn't such a great idea. On a more positive note, most criminals rehabilitate themselves without intervention. Reoffending drops dramatically after 30, and prison statistics show that most prisoners are under 40.
The police service, meanwhile, has become a laboratory for sexual and racial equality rather than a crime-prevention and crime-fighting institution. Increasingly car-borne, responding rather than preventing, and dressed in paramilitary gear even on routine patrols, the service weakens engagement with the public.
Needless to say, the alarming scenes of citizens fighting to clear the roads of "just stop oil" protesters, followed by the police intervening against the citizens, tell a story.
In the book "Into the Night — A Year with the Police," the author, an avowed liberal and former teacher, volunteers as a special constable with London's Met, covering Brixton. He comes to question his values in the face of the mayhem he witnesses. He observes that officers trained to fight crime more often find themselves acting as first responders to all of society's troubles. At times, outnumbered and under attack, the officers have no option but to retreat for fear of criticism if they use force.
The other lesson I drew from the book and my reading of events is that until British society achieves greater unity and consensus, and reforms its culture to recognise the needs of the majority while welcoming others, nothing will change for the police.
Getting into specifics, the very structure of British policing holds it back. With 45 territorial and three special police forces, fragmentation is inevitable. The territorial forces are expected to tackle local crime effectively, but crime doesn't respect county boundaries, let alone international borders.
Are the entities at the centre, such as the National Crime Agency, with under 2000 officers, able to tackle complex fraud, international serious and organised crime? The evidence suggests they are overstretched at best, and with much of the crime online, their skill sets may be out of kilter with the needs.
There is no shortage of recognition of the problems faced by the UK police. Take this example: a 192-page document, "A New Mode Of Protective Redesigning Policing And Public Safety For The 21st Century," by the Police Foundation think tank. Bursting with data, discussions, threat analysis and recommendations, it's a starkly honest assessment.
Yet if I'm a chief constable and that document lands on my desk, my immediate response is, "What am I supposed to do with it? Where is the money to fund these initiatives? Will the focus shift in three years, before these initiatives can bear fruit?"
In truth, a substantial academic industry researches and pontificates on policing, and most of it is ungrounded verbiage. Professors in their ivory towers churn this stuff out while aspiring police leaders kowtow to them to earn academic credits to further their careers.
The number of 'policing degrees' delivered by higher education institutions, often in partnership with the police, has exploded, and police-academia relationships are now routine and occur at all levels of policing. But who is dictating the outcomes, and are the 'professors' honest brokers in this endeavour?
Indeed, it's a good source of income when colleges struggle for funds. Nonetheless, the public is right to ask whether all this taxpayer-funded research is making the streets safer. I reckon not.
Then there is the College of Policing, a private company that provides most national guidance on how the police should operate. Its 'guidance' introduced the controversial recording of non-crime hate speech, which Harry Millar successfully contested. The College of Policing also mandated that all recruits must have a degree, making universities the gatekeepers for those who become police officers. Does anyone see a problem with a private company dictating police policy?
A quick scan of the minutes of the Board of Directors of the College of Policing proved somewhat eye-opening. In 2022, with one-third of policing in special measures for failing to meet standards, the discussion was:
- The root causes of failure were leadership and supervision.
- The College should engage with forces earlier and encourage them to seek College support before going to the media.
- Forces could not be forced to engage.
The discussion of 'hate crime' recorded in the College minutes makes for interesting reading. It appears that equal weight is given to Court rulings and the demands of minority campaigners. Surely, you'd think the Courts would take precedence. Not so.
Finally, details of the College's financial standing were deemed 'commercially' sensitive and removed from the minutes, which raises the whole debate about a private company dictating police policy.
There are glimmers of hope. Take the time to watch 'Hotel Custody', a documentary following the work of officers at Humberside Police's detention facility. They deal with society's most damaged people — sad, lost and violent individuals — every shift. Throughout, they display exceptional empathy and professionalism.
Yes, I know the officers’ actions may be 'performative' when the cameras are present. Still, what struck me was that the more mature ladies, without fancy qualifications, displayed skills that could defuse most situations through straightforward, honest engagement. Shining through was the value of time-earned life experience.
Likewise, a sergeant with a military background displayed calm authority, applying force in a controlled, measured manner when detainees threatened staff. He made quick, appropriate decisions. I've repeatedly observed this.
Hence, fast-tracking university graduates with limited life skills, who've 'never dealt with an angry man’, remains a deeply flawed approach to selecting police leaders.
Separately, within the upper command of the police service, there needs to be greater modesty and a willingness to seek best practices elsewhere. In my specialist area of public order, I found that the UK had limited effective tactics and, at best, mediocre training. However, any attempt to brief senior British colleagues on the merits of approaches used elsewhere met with stiff resistance, bordering on arrogance.
For example, they wouldn't entertain the possibility of a blind spot that allowed riots to escalate while officers stood passively in cordon positions. In 2011, rather than act and face criticism, the Met Police allowed looting and violence to go unchecked in London. As a consequence, unprotected communities suffered while the police dithered.
As an aside, it has always struck me as odd that Britain was more than willing to deploy robust and effective anti-riot tactics in the colonies but never at home. That alone tells a story about how culture constrains the options available to the police.
I increasingly wonder whether the solution to the issues surrounding policing in a cash-strapped society rests with the citizenry. I know that, as part of the unwritten social contract, the public forswears the right to take the law into their own hands, and in return the law and the police force protect us and our property. Yet this is rapidly breaking down as a concept, especially as the police are too busy conducting diversity audits.
Encouragingly, the citizens of the New Forest village of Lyndhurst have shown a possible template for citizen policing. They've harnessed the power of social media to make inroads in tackling low-level crime without the need for police.
Yet I suspect there is little appetite for expanding the neighbourhood watch model to include proper structures, legal powers and training. The danger of vigilantes and busybodies taking control is ever-present, given a national aversion to ‘curtain-twitchers'.
Still, I return to the point at the start of this discussion: "Every place gets the police force it deserves." Likewise, it's unwise to vainly seek a door to a Britain that no longer exists. Tropes such as the 'Dickson of Dock Green' myth of policing don't help, partly because they were never real — nothing more than nostalgic pastiche.
In short, a step in the right direction would be to refocus police priorities away from dealing with hurt feelings and pandering to specific client groups. In the broader context, my dreary conclusion is that more strife lies ahead. Without societal change, I regret that a creeping surrender to lawlessness may continue unless a pivotal event shifts the national helm in another direction.
Remember, culture eats strategy for breakfast.
September 2023
Copyright © 2015