History of HKP 1945 to 1967
With the population growing and the economy on the mend, Hong Kong is back in business, despite the battered state of the city. The Police need manpower to expand as commitments grow.
With India granted independence in the post-war years, that source of recruitment stopped. Moreover, Indian officers taking leave back in India found permission refused to return. The new Indian government had an anti-colonial view.
With Pakistan identified as an alternative to Indian recruitment, an expanded uptake of local officers also starts. The selection of Pakistani officers is in two phases: the first in 1952 and the second in 1961. The pay is approximately four times that offered a Pakistan civil servant. Thus competition for the job is keen. As an example, some 2000 men came forward in 1961 for 50 posts during a recruitment drive in Lahore. In the end, five gentlemen succeeded. Fluency in English appears to have been a deciding factor in successful applications. Although education, physical health and demeanour were also considered.
It is clear the Hong Kong Police was well prepared to receive these officers. On arrival, the Pakistani officers and their families took accommodation in dedicated quarters. Cooks met their special dietary requirements, with a mosque onsite for spiritual their needs. Specialist teachers provide education to their children.
In the 1950s and 1960s, the postings meant they tended to operate with their countrymen in such formations as anti-smuggling and Emergency Unit Hong Kong Island. Wearing distinctive white helmets, they proved a mainstay of the Forces anti-riot formations. These units played a prominent role in suppressing the riots that arose in 1956. The size and physical robustness made them well suited to the demands of this task.
Throughout history, the British Empire used men from elsewhere to deal with restless natives. Thus taking officers from Pakistan followed a pattern, albeit that country was independent as of 1947. By the late 1960s, attempts were finally made to integrate the Pakistani officers into the broader community. Cantonese training started as part of this effort, which led to a range of posting options and promotion opportunities.
Hong Kong experienced a steady influx of refugees from the Mainland. Unsettled times up north made life difficult for many. Food shortages coupled to political upheavals, displaced people. New arrivals placed considerable strains on the colony’s already hard-pressed infrastructure. People sought accommodation, primary health care and work. Shanty towns sprung up with such rapidity that no one knew the number of people accommodated.
Christmas Day 1953 saw terrible scenes, as a fire burned through the improvised shanty town of Shek Kip Mei. The inferno soon consumes this ramshackle collection of tar-papered huts sprawled across a hillside. With no proper streets or water supply, firefighting was impossible. In no time, an estimated 50,000 people are homeless.
No one could ignore this terrible state of affairs. The government is forced to act, implemented the rapid construction of resettlement estates. With shared toilets, the most basic of amenities, these places at least put a solid roof over people’s heads.
People arriving from the Mainland brought their politics with them. Some were nationalists, fleeing the communist regime. Others professed support for the nascent government of Mao. The tension between these two communities was ever present. The Hong Kong government worked to keep the lid on any potential trouble. It didn’t always succeed.
October 1956, or Double Tenth riot, proved violent in the extreme and deadly. At the end of two days of disturbances, 59 people were dead and over 500 injured. The Swiss Consuls wife caught up in the events, suffered severe burns as rioters torched her taxi. She died after 48 hours. The Police killed 44 people in suppressing the trouble.
The riots resulted from the tension between pro-communist and pro-Taiwanese nationalist elements. On the 10th October 1956, pro-Taiwanese elements celebrated the 1911 October Revolution. Then a hapless official ordered the removal of Taiwanese flags from a Kowloon estate. This action incensed the nationalists. They responded by attacking pro-communist businesses, factories and even clinics. Known communists faced a roundup by Nationalists. Conveyed to the Nationalist headquarters, then beaten. Nationalists later storm a communist welfare centre in Tsuen Wan, killing four people. These deaths ignite reprisal attacks as the communists sought revenge.
As communists seek shelter in Police stations, in Tsuen Wan the British Army opens fire to clear rioters. This action caused many deaths. In the aftermath, four males face conviction for murder and execution. Hundreds of others get deported or sent to jail.
In response to these events, the removal of political flags and banners comes under strict control. In future, agreement against various levels of approval, with careful risk assessments, must take place. In effect, the Police have the final say. The Double Tenth remains a sensitive date, although in recent times the importance has faded. Improved relations between the Mainland and Taiwan have dissipated the loathing.
The riots exposed significant operational gaps in the Police response. A review led to the formation of the Police Training Contingent, the forerunner to the modern day Police Tactical Unit. This unit and the skills it taught to the broader Police Force proved pivotal to controlling the unrest of the 1960s. I have a detailed history of the Police Tactical Unit elsewhere on this blog.
Throughout the late 1950s and the 1960s, the colony continued to experience upheavals. The arrival of refugees caused a dramatic population increase.
The Star Ferry riots of April 1966, were proof that a single incident could spark disorder in the Colony. As the Star Ferry Company sought an increase in fares, protests developed. These led to several nights of rioting in Kowloon. By the time calm returned, some 300 were in detention for various offences. The courts sent 258 to jail for up to two years. I cover the details of these disturbances elsewhere. This riot was a prelude to the unrest of 1967.
"Hong Kong Watershed,” is an apt title for Gary CHEUNG's book about the pivotal role the 1967 riots play in the saga of Hong Kong. The year 1967 has entered the folklore of the Hong Kong Police as its finest hour. The steadfastness displayed led to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II conferring the title "Royal Hong Kong Police".
CHEUNG identified that in later years, both the Hong Kong Government and the Mainland authorities sought to play down these events. The sensitivity of that period, including the turmoil in China, evolved to a tacit consensus that matters are best left forgotten. A degree of self-censorship, willful forgetfulness and a desire to let bygones be bygones took hold.
This attitude is unhelpful in the context of understanding the current day. So, it is necessary to reprise the events of 1967, as these had a profound impact on the Hong Kong mindset. The first signs of social cohesion arose then. In turn, this led to the emergence of the often quoted ‘Hong Kong values.’
The debate on the cause or causes of the 1967 riots continues. It is evident that leftists overstepped the mark by organising to escalate the troubles. Stirring trouble in Hong Kong was in breach of direct orders from Beijing. Although, other factors had an impact. Indeed, the lack of social justice, with workers rights unprotected, led to exploitation. In this regard, the British must accept their share of blame for the events that unfolded. They'd neglected the needs of the lower levels of society, thereby opening the door for extremists.
Also, it cannot go unremarked that the Brits had a pretty standard model for running colonies. They'd co-opt the local elite, including business people, as their intermediaries and collaborators. Thus a small group of colonials could manage their territories through proxies. In the process, they conferred titles, awards and granted their new friend's access to markets.
The plight of the worker was not too much of a concern, as long as their activities did not disturb trade. After all, colonies were about power and influence, but most of all, about making money. As a direct consequence, the plight of the working man and the poor get ignored; as in any case, they had no voice. This approach left many disenfranchised. Street protest and withdrawal of labour is the only means of influencing events.
In 1967, the cultural revolution was in its early stages. It still had ten years to run before finally ending with the death of Mao in 1976. The Chinese leadership never intended that the cultural revolution should impact Hong Kong. Local leftists receive this message as early as 1966. Attending the National Day celebrations in Beijing, delegates hear instructions from Zhou Enlai. The Colony was to remain untouched. It's regrettable that as the cultural revolution took hold, Beijing lost control of the situation.
The Chinese Communist Party operated in the Colony behind the thin veil of the New China News Agency. This arrangement started in 1946 when Zhou Enlai instructed the NCNA to establish an office. This entity is the CCP's de facto consulate. Of course, for official purposes, the CCP would not use such terms as consulate or embassy. Such would confer a legitimate status to British rule. The CCP accepted British tenure as temporary. Thus formal acknowledgement is impossible.
In a similar vein, the British downplayed the role that the CCP played during the Japanese occupation. Between December 1941 and September 1945, communist guerrillas sustained attacks on the Japanese. Besides, they helped Allied troops to escape, something British official history of the period ignores.
Getting back to 1967, once trouble started, coordination took place via the leftists. This activity included the rioting and a bombing campaign.
The spark that lit the fuse was an industrial dispute at the Hong Kong Artificial Flower Works in San Po Kong, Kowloon. In April 1967, the management of the factory sought to impose higher output quotas, including changes to employment contracts. These proposals aroused the 421 workers, who tried to negotiate with the management. When no progress came; worker sentiments hardened. On 28th April, the bosses dismissed some 90 workers, citing a drop-off in business. The next day, laid-off workers protested outside the factory gate.
By now there was considerable media interest in the events. Leftist groups come forward with statements of solidarity. Material support, in the form of food and drink, was also forthcoming. With the mood tense, an intervention by the Labour Department failed. On 4th May, the Police instructed protesting workers to clear the streets. This demand got ignored. That afternoon, in an escalation, a group of workers forced entry to the plant. They intended to disrupt its operations.
By this time, workers were chanting the quotes of Chairman Mao Tse-tung. The protests rumbled-on without confrontation until 6th May. On that day a melee developed over deliveries to the factory. Then a foreman allegedly assaulted a worker. At first, a party of 22 police officers dealt with the fighting. When they came under sustained attack, officers from the anti-riot unit arrived. The police then confronted the workers. Batons came out to drive them off the roads, with 21 workers arrested. As a consequence of the violence, some workers and police sustained injuries.
With order restored, the police cordoned the area as the factory resumed business. Except, the fuse was now burning that would soon detonate in a major confrontation.
Immediately the leftist press ran stories of injuries inflicted on the workers by the ‘brutal colonial’ Hong Kong Police. In a tone that continued throughout the year, exaggerated claims and pure fiction was front page. The leftist sought to link the actions of the Hong Kong Police to the ‘evils’ of British colonial rule.
Meanwhile, on the Mainland law and order was breaking down. The cultural revolution took hold. Traditional institutions flipped upside down, as radicals seize control by occupying government offices. Anyone expressing moderate views is a 'capitalist roadster' who needs to confess. Death or exile to some remote area result. The lucky ones got hard labour.
The leftists in Hong Kong, fearing accusations of being soft in the face of Hong Kong's colonial rulers, act to prove their adherence to ‘Mao thought’. By seeking to ferment protest against the British, they'd verify their credentials. However, this is against the specific instructions of Zhou Enlai, who sought to rein in their activities.
Moreover, there is evidence that the Hong Kong leftists assumed that Beijing would come to the rescue and retake Hong Kong. Such ideas were undoubtedly misguided because the leadership in Beijing took the long view. The issue of Hong Kong was pending. It could wait for an appropriate time asserted the clear heads. After all, a country in chaos is not best placed to regain sovereignty.
On top of that, with trade disrupted by the cultural revolution, Hong Kong was playing a vital role. Most of China's foreign exchange went through the territory. The lost of this income, and the possible harm to trading links was on the minds of the more sober leaders in Beijing. They struggled to isolate Hong Kong from the spreading impact of the cultural revolution.
Across the Pearl River Delta in Macau, the Portuguese colonial government faced similar protests. They offered the immediate return of the territory to Chinese rule. Beijing declined the offer.
Matters at the Artificial Flower Factory continued to escalate. On 11th May, the Federation of Trade Unions mobilised its people to protest. A mass rally took place on Tai Yau Street. At about 3:30 pm a confrontation developed with police firing baton shells to disperse the protestors. People fled into the Wong Tai Sin area.
During the melee, something strikes a 13-year-old boy on the head, who then dies from his injuries. The leftist, seeking to gain from the death, attempted to claim the police killed the boy. Later it’s established that projectiles thrown by rioters hit him from behind. Throughout the day police continue to deal with looters, who attacked shops in the Wong Tai Sin area.
At 7:30 pm, the police announced full mobilisation. Trouble is spreading, although a curfew issued at 9:30 pm for the Kowloon East area helps by confining folks to their homes. By now it's clear that someone is orchestrating the riots. Opportunist elements, including triads, are using the cover of the turmoil to loot and commit arson. During the day the police fired 50 tear gas rounds and 70 baton shells. Arrest stand at 127.
The next day, 12 May started calmer. By lunchtime, the curfew is proving difficult to enforce as residents of Tung Tau Estate confront the police. Tear gas and baton shells volleys have some impact. Meanwhile, elsewhere in Hong Kong, industrial action is spreading with bus drivers striking. As evening fell, disorder breaks out across the Colony, with the police hard-pressed to maintain control.
This pattern continued until 14th May, with unrest and rioting flaring up in various locations. Wild rumours circulate that the PLA will enter Hong Kong. The British military was now making their presence felt in support of the police. Events are currently on track for a major confrontation between the leftists and the authorities.
On 17th May, the leading leftists, drive up to Government House on Upper Albert Road. Without any sense of irony, they arrive in a fleet of expensive Mercedes Benz limousines. Stepping out of their chauffeur-driven cars, they proceed to denounce police brutality. Next, they state their solidarity with the workers. In the following days, the leftists organise a siege of Government House. Groups gather in Central, march to Upper Albert Road to then harangue the Governor and the police.
Officers stood mostly passive in the face of repeated provocations. They have issued goggles because the leftists attempt to poke them in the eyes with sharpened fingernails. Also, they are subject to constant verbal abuse, kicks and spitting. None of it is pleasant.
It is unclear why on the 22 May, tempers finally gave way. As usual, the leftists gathered to march on Government House. They'd advanced to the bottom of Garden Road when a police cordon line stopped them. Who started the violence? That remains unclear, but the police charged the marchers. This action forced them back into Central. A trigger for rioting across Hong Kong Island. With a curfew imposed at 6:30 pm that evening, some resemblance of order returned. By that time, with 167 people under arrest, hundreds are injured.
Protests continued into June, with groups blocking roads, marching and organising strikes. The industrial action has limited impact as support is far from universal.
At times public transport ground to a halt, as bus drivers then support staff joined the action. They then faced immediate dismissal. But this being Hong Kong, illegal buses and taxis appeared to fill the gap. Pak Pais (illicit taxis) and vans (later legalised as PLBs) kept the public on the move, undermining the strike. The triads, always looking for a quick buck, provided some of the vans.
Against a background of violence and threats, the police patrolled, albeit in numbers. On 23 June a patrol in Mongkok confronted striking workers, who attacked the officers. With two constables injured, the police opened fire, killing one man. His accomplices fled into a nearby union office. Once reinforcements arrived, they forced entry against stiff resistance, leading to 53 arrests.
This incident and others indicated things were escalating further. The 8 July was to prove a tragic day.
Sha Tau Kok village straddles the boundary between Hong Kong and the mainland. A line of stones running down the middle of Chung Ying Street is no physical barrier to movement. To maintain boundary integrity, Hong Kong relied on a set back fence and checkpoints. This arrangement allowed free flow within the closed area of Sha Tau Kok village.
This situation is far from satisfactory, but history is at play here, with the system tolerated. With trouble rumbling, residents on both sides of the boundary are challenging the controls imposed by Hong Kong. They joined protests against British rule. One group crossed the frontier on 8th July to gather outside Sha Tau Kok Police Station. When police intervened to disperse them, a machine gun opened fire from the Chinese side. Five police officers die in a hail of automatic gunfire.
Initial reports suggest that the PLA took action. Others pointed to the involvement of a local militia group. Nonetheless, this incident sparked off a significant response. The British military moved tanks up to block Sha Tau Kok Road. PLA units seen in the vicinity took no aggressive moves. Orders come down from Beijing to de-escalate the situation and soon. Zhao Enlai reportedly expressed outrage at the incident. The leftist media sought to portray the killings as a defensive action. Left-wing newspapers spoke of British soldiers killed, with pictures of burnt out tanks. Fake news is nothing new.
The Police Force was coming to terms with these events when the next day a constable is chopped to death. Striking dock workers in the Western District attacked with hooks and knives. Other officers opened fire killing a dock worker.
As trouble rumbled on, public sentiment amongst the majority Chinese populace remains neutral. People are nervous, waiting to see how things develop. But this attitude changed when the leftists, in frustration, escalated their campaign.
The first bomb appeared on 12 July. Over the coming weeks more came. The death of innocent bystanders, including children, turned sentiment against the communists. The murder of a prominent radio personality LAM Bun didn't help.
With public support, and Beijing sitting on the sidelines, the way was open to confront the leftists. Sensing the tide was turning in their favour, the British took decisive action.
The police sweep through prominent leftist newspapers, detaining the editors. Then they raided the bases of the support organisations to disrupt the infrastructure. Beijing raised half-hearted protests at these actions, with the inference being it was not too concerned. The Hong Kong leftists found themselves isolated, on the wrong side of public opinion, with Beijing passive.
A few strident press statements from Beijing amounted to nothing. The mood turned as the public, and the mainstream media demanded the restoration of law and order. People wanted to get on with their business.
Meanwhile, the performance of the Hong Kong Police gained applause. While it’s true that protesters received beatings, such was the times. Today such acts would be 'human right' abuses. The leftists soon exploited these assaults in their media. Also, British officials grew uncomfortable as the excesses of the stretched Police Force made the headlines.
Context is important. Police families faced threats in the workplace. The children of officers experienced hostility from left-wing teachers. Many moved schools. Against that background, inflamed sentiment amongst the Police is natural.
Even today the leftists harbour a deep resentment at their treatment. Anti-British sentiment simmers amongst their ranks, while they remain confused. Why didn't Beijing come to their rescue baffles them? These attitudes shaped the events that followed 1997, as Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty.
Anticipation amongst the leftists is that jobs with power would come their way. It must be the case they'd now receive rewards for their steadfast support of Beijing. Then, except for TSANG Tak-sing, appointed Secretary for Home Affairs, the old-school leftists remain on the margins. Their resentment is palpable. Ultimately, China had moved on.
1967 was a pivotal year for Hong Kong and the Police Force. The trials and tribulations echo through the years, shaping events to come. The Hong Kong Police Force had earned its laurels, but the future looked far from certain. Corruption and calls for reform would surface in the years ahead, as the Force sought to professionalise. Westerners still held the highest ranks. The approach of 1997 pointed towards a more significant role for local officers. The days ahead looked as challenging as the past.
With India granted independence in the post-war years, that source of recruitment stopped. Moreover, Indian officers taking leave back in India found permission refused to return. The new Indian government had an anti-colonial view.
With Pakistan identified as an alternative to Indian recruitment, an expanded uptake of local officers also starts. The selection of Pakistani officers is in two phases: the first in 1952 and the second in 1961. The pay is approximately four times that offered a Pakistan civil servant. Thus competition for the job is keen. As an example, some 2000 men came forward in 1961 for 50 posts during a recruitment drive in Lahore. In the end, five gentlemen succeeded. Fluency in English appears to have been a deciding factor in successful applications. Although education, physical health and demeanour were also considered.
It is clear the Hong Kong Police was well prepared to receive these officers. On arrival, the Pakistani officers and their families took accommodation in dedicated quarters. Cooks met their special dietary requirements, with a mosque onsite for spiritual their needs. Specialist teachers provide education to their children.
In the 1950s and 1960s, the postings meant they tended to operate with their countrymen in such formations as anti-smuggling and Emergency Unit Hong Kong Island. Wearing distinctive white helmets, they proved a mainstay of the Forces anti-riot formations. These units played a prominent role in suppressing the riots that arose in 1956. The size and physical robustness made them well suited to the demands of this task.
Throughout history, the British Empire used men from elsewhere to deal with restless natives. Thus taking officers from Pakistan followed a pattern, albeit that country was independent as of 1947. By the late 1960s, attempts were finally made to integrate the Pakistani officers into the broader community. Cantonese training started as part of this effort, which led to a range of posting options and promotion opportunities.
Hong Kong experienced a steady influx of refugees from the Mainland. Unsettled times up north made life difficult for many. Food shortages coupled to political upheavals, displaced people. New arrivals placed considerable strains on the colony’s already hard-pressed infrastructure. People sought accommodation, primary health care and work. Shanty towns sprung up with such rapidity that no one knew the number of people accommodated.
Christmas Day 1953 saw terrible scenes, as a fire burned through the improvised shanty town of Shek Kip Mei. The inferno soon consumes this ramshackle collection of tar-papered huts sprawled across a hillside. With no proper streets or water supply, firefighting was impossible. In no time, an estimated 50,000 people are homeless.
No one could ignore this terrible state of affairs. The government is forced to act, implemented the rapid construction of resettlement estates. With shared toilets, the most basic of amenities, these places at least put a solid roof over people’s heads.
People arriving from the Mainland brought their politics with them. Some were nationalists, fleeing the communist regime. Others professed support for the nascent government of Mao. The tension between these two communities was ever present. The Hong Kong government worked to keep the lid on any potential trouble. It didn’t always succeed.
October 1956, or Double Tenth riot, proved violent in the extreme and deadly. At the end of two days of disturbances, 59 people were dead and over 500 injured. The Swiss Consuls wife caught up in the events, suffered severe burns as rioters torched her taxi. She died after 48 hours. The Police killed 44 people in suppressing the trouble.
The riots resulted from the tension between pro-communist and pro-Taiwanese nationalist elements. On the 10th October 1956, pro-Taiwanese elements celebrated the 1911 October Revolution. Then a hapless official ordered the removal of Taiwanese flags from a Kowloon estate. This action incensed the nationalists. They responded by attacking pro-communist businesses, factories and even clinics. Known communists faced a roundup by Nationalists. Conveyed to the Nationalist headquarters, then beaten. Nationalists later storm a communist welfare centre in Tsuen Wan, killing four people. These deaths ignite reprisal attacks as the communists sought revenge.
As communists seek shelter in Police stations, in Tsuen Wan the British Army opens fire to clear rioters. This action caused many deaths. In the aftermath, four males face conviction for murder and execution. Hundreds of others get deported or sent to jail.
In response to these events, the removal of political flags and banners comes under strict control. In future, agreement against various levels of approval, with careful risk assessments, must take place. In effect, the Police have the final say. The Double Tenth remains a sensitive date, although in recent times the importance has faded. Improved relations between the Mainland and Taiwan have dissipated the loathing.
The riots exposed significant operational gaps in the Police response. A review led to the formation of the Police Training Contingent, the forerunner to the modern day Police Tactical Unit. This unit and the skills it taught to the broader Police Force proved pivotal to controlling the unrest of the 1960s. I have a detailed history of the Police Tactical Unit elsewhere on this blog.
Throughout the late 1950s and the 1960s, the colony continued to experience upheavals. The arrival of refugees caused a dramatic population increase.
The Star Ferry riots of April 1966, were proof that a single incident could spark disorder in the Colony. As the Star Ferry Company sought an increase in fares, protests developed. These led to several nights of rioting in Kowloon. By the time calm returned, some 300 were in detention for various offences. The courts sent 258 to jail for up to two years. I cover the details of these disturbances elsewhere. This riot was a prelude to the unrest of 1967.
"Hong Kong Watershed,” is an apt title for Gary CHEUNG's book about the pivotal role the 1967 riots play in the saga of Hong Kong. The year 1967 has entered the folklore of the Hong Kong Police as its finest hour. The steadfastness displayed led to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II conferring the title "Royal Hong Kong Police".
CHEUNG identified that in later years, both the Hong Kong Government and the Mainland authorities sought to play down these events. The sensitivity of that period, including the turmoil in China, evolved to a tacit consensus that matters are best left forgotten. A degree of self-censorship, willful forgetfulness and a desire to let bygones be bygones took hold.
This attitude is unhelpful in the context of understanding the current day. So, it is necessary to reprise the events of 1967, as these had a profound impact on the Hong Kong mindset. The first signs of social cohesion arose then. In turn, this led to the emergence of the often quoted ‘Hong Kong values.’
The debate on the cause or causes of the 1967 riots continues. It is evident that leftists overstepped the mark by organising to escalate the troubles. Stirring trouble in Hong Kong was in breach of direct orders from Beijing. Although, other factors had an impact. Indeed, the lack of social justice, with workers rights unprotected, led to exploitation. In this regard, the British must accept their share of blame for the events that unfolded. They'd neglected the needs of the lower levels of society, thereby opening the door for extremists.
Also, it cannot go unremarked that the Brits had a pretty standard model for running colonies. They'd co-opt the local elite, including business people, as their intermediaries and collaborators. Thus a small group of colonials could manage their territories through proxies. In the process, they conferred titles, awards and granted their new friend's access to markets.
The plight of the worker was not too much of a concern, as long as their activities did not disturb trade. After all, colonies were about power and influence, but most of all, about making money. As a direct consequence, the plight of the working man and the poor get ignored; as in any case, they had no voice. This approach left many disenfranchised. Street protest and withdrawal of labour is the only means of influencing events.
In 1967, the cultural revolution was in its early stages. It still had ten years to run before finally ending with the death of Mao in 1976. The Chinese leadership never intended that the cultural revolution should impact Hong Kong. Local leftists receive this message as early as 1966. Attending the National Day celebrations in Beijing, delegates hear instructions from Zhou Enlai. The Colony was to remain untouched. It's regrettable that as the cultural revolution took hold, Beijing lost control of the situation.
The Chinese Communist Party operated in the Colony behind the thin veil of the New China News Agency. This arrangement started in 1946 when Zhou Enlai instructed the NCNA to establish an office. This entity is the CCP's de facto consulate. Of course, for official purposes, the CCP would not use such terms as consulate or embassy. Such would confer a legitimate status to British rule. The CCP accepted British tenure as temporary. Thus formal acknowledgement is impossible.
In a similar vein, the British downplayed the role that the CCP played during the Japanese occupation. Between December 1941 and September 1945, communist guerrillas sustained attacks on the Japanese. Besides, they helped Allied troops to escape, something British official history of the period ignores.
Getting back to 1967, once trouble started, coordination took place via the leftists. This activity included the rioting and a bombing campaign.
The spark that lit the fuse was an industrial dispute at the Hong Kong Artificial Flower Works in San Po Kong, Kowloon. In April 1967, the management of the factory sought to impose higher output quotas, including changes to employment contracts. These proposals aroused the 421 workers, who tried to negotiate with the management. When no progress came; worker sentiments hardened. On 28th April, the bosses dismissed some 90 workers, citing a drop-off in business. The next day, laid-off workers protested outside the factory gate.
By now there was considerable media interest in the events. Leftist groups come forward with statements of solidarity. Material support, in the form of food and drink, was also forthcoming. With the mood tense, an intervention by the Labour Department failed. On 4th May, the Police instructed protesting workers to clear the streets. This demand got ignored. That afternoon, in an escalation, a group of workers forced entry to the plant. They intended to disrupt its operations.
By this time, workers were chanting the quotes of Chairman Mao Tse-tung. The protests rumbled-on without confrontation until 6th May. On that day a melee developed over deliveries to the factory. Then a foreman allegedly assaulted a worker. At first, a party of 22 police officers dealt with the fighting. When they came under sustained attack, officers from the anti-riot unit arrived. The police then confronted the workers. Batons came out to drive them off the roads, with 21 workers arrested. As a consequence of the violence, some workers and police sustained injuries.
With order restored, the police cordoned the area as the factory resumed business. Except, the fuse was now burning that would soon detonate in a major confrontation.
Immediately the leftist press ran stories of injuries inflicted on the workers by the ‘brutal colonial’ Hong Kong Police. In a tone that continued throughout the year, exaggerated claims and pure fiction was front page. The leftist sought to link the actions of the Hong Kong Police to the ‘evils’ of British colonial rule.
Meanwhile, on the Mainland law and order was breaking down. The cultural revolution took hold. Traditional institutions flipped upside down, as radicals seize control by occupying government offices. Anyone expressing moderate views is a 'capitalist roadster' who needs to confess. Death or exile to some remote area result. The lucky ones got hard labour.
The leftists in Hong Kong, fearing accusations of being soft in the face of Hong Kong's colonial rulers, act to prove their adherence to ‘Mao thought’. By seeking to ferment protest against the British, they'd verify their credentials. However, this is against the specific instructions of Zhou Enlai, who sought to rein in their activities.
Moreover, there is evidence that the Hong Kong leftists assumed that Beijing would come to the rescue and retake Hong Kong. Such ideas were undoubtedly misguided because the leadership in Beijing took the long view. The issue of Hong Kong was pending. It could wait for an appropriate time asserted the clear heads. After all, a country in chaos is not best placed to regain sovereignty.
On top of that, with trade disrupted by the cultural revolution, Hong Kong was playing a vital role. Most of China's foreign exchange went through the territory. The lost of this income, and the possible harm to trading links was on the minds of the more sober leaders in Beijing. They struggled to isolate Hong Kong from the spreading impact of the cultural revolution.
Across the Pearl River Delta in Macau, the Portuguese colonial government faced similar protests. They offered the immediate return of the territory to Chinese rule. Beijing declined the offer.
Matters at the Artificial Flower Factory continued to escalate. On 11th May, the Federation of Trade Unions mobilised its people to protest. A mass rally took place on Tai Yau Street. At about 3:30 pm a confrontation developed with police firing baton shells to disperse the protestors. People fled into the Wong Tai Sin area.
During the melee, something strikes a 13-year-old boy on the head, who then dies from his injuries. The leftist, seeking to gain from the death, attempted to claim the police killed the boy. Later it’s established that projectiles thrown by rioters hit him from behind. Throughout the day police continue to deal with looters, who attacked shops in the Wong Tai Sin area.
At 7:30 pm, the police announced full mobilisation. Trouble is spreading, although a curfew issued at 9:30 pm for the Kowloon East area helps by confining folks to their homes. By now it's clear that someone is orchestrating the riots. Opportunist elements, including triads, are using the cover of the turmoil to loot and commit arson. During the day the police fired 50 tear gas rounds and 70 baton shells. Arrest stand at 127.
The next day, 12 May started calmer. By lunchtime, the curfew is proving difficult to enforce as residents of Tung Tau Estate confront the police. Tear gas and baton shells volleys have some impact. Meanwhile, elsewhere in Hong Kong, industrial action is spreading with bus drivers striking. As evening fell, disorder breaks out across the Colony, with the police hard-pressed to maintain control.
This pattern continued until 14th May, with unrest and rioting flaring up in various locations. Wild rumours circulate that the PLA will enter Hong Kong. The British military was now making their presence felt in support of the police. Events are currently on track for a major confrontation between the leftists and the authorities.
On 17th May, the leading leftists, drive up to Government House on Upper Albert Road. Without any sense of irony, they arrive in a fleet of expensive Mercedes Benz limousines. Stepping out of their chauffeur-driven cars, they proceed to denounce police brutality. Next, they state their solidarity with the workers. In the following days, the leftists organise a siege of Government House. Groups gather in Central, march to Upper Albert Road to then harangue the Governor and the police.
Officers stood mostly passive in the face of repeated provocations. They have issued goggles because the leftists attempt to poke them in the eyes with sharpened fingernails. Also, they are subject to constant verbal abuse, kicks and spitting. None of it is pleasant.
It is unclear why on the 22 May, tempers finally gave way. As usual, the leftists gathered to march on Government House. They'd advanced to the bottom of Garden Road when a police cordon line stopped them. Who started the violence? That remains unclear, but the police charged the marchers. This action forced them back into Central. A trigger for rioting across Hong Kong Island. With a curfew imposed at 6:30 pm that evening, some resemblance of order returned. By that time, with 167 people under arrest, hundreds are injured.
Protests continued into June, with groups blocking roads, marching and organising strikes. The industrial action has limited impact as support is far from universal.
At times public transport ground to a halt, as bus drivers then support staff joined the action. They then faced immediate dismissal. But this being Hong Kong, illegal buses and taxis appeared to fill the gap. Pak Pais (illicit taxis) and vans (later legalised as PLBs) kept the public on the move, undermining the strike. The triads, always looking for a quick buck, provided some of the vans.
Against a background of violence and threats, the police patrolled, albeit in numbers. On 23 June a patrol in Mongkok confronted striking workers, who attacked the officers. With two constables injured, the police opened fire, killing one man. His accomplices fled into a nearby union office. Once reinforcements arrived, they forced entry against stiff resistance, leading to 53 arrests.
This incident and others indicated things were escalating further. The 8 July was to prove a tragic day.
Sha Tau Kok village straddles the boundary between Hong Kong and the mainland. A line of stones running down the middle of Chung Ying Street is no physical barrier to movement. To maintain boundary integrity, Hong Kong relied on a set back fence and checkpoints. This arrangement allowed free flow within the closed area of Sha Tau Kok village.
This situation is far from satisfactory, but history is at play here, with the system tolerated. With trouble rumbling, residents on both sides of the boundary are challenging the controls imposed by Hong Kong. They joined protests against British rule. One group crossed the frontier on 8th July to gather outside Sha Tau Kok Police Station. When police intervened to disperse them, a machine gun opened fire from the Chinese side. Five police officers die in a hail of automatic gunfire.
Initial reports suggest that the PLA took action. Others pointed to the involvement of a local militia group. Nonetheless, this incident sparked off a significant response. The British military moved tanks up to block Sha Tau Kok Road. PLA units seen in the vicinity took no aggressive moves. Orders come down from Beijing to de-escalate the situation and soon. Zhao Enlai reportedly expressed outrage at the incident. The leftist media sought to portray the killings as a defensive action. Left-wing newspapers spoke of British soldiers killed, with pictures of burnt out tanks. Fake news is nothing new.
The Police Force was coming to terms with these events when the next day a constable is chopped to death. Striking dock workers in the Western District attacked with hooks and knives. Other officers opened fire killing a dock worker.
As trouble rumbled on, public sentiment amongst the majority Chinese populace remains neutral. People are nervous, waiting to see how things develop. But this attitude changed when the leftists, in frustration, escalated their campaign.
The first bomb appeared on 12 July. Over the coming weeks more came. The death of innocent bystanders, including children, turned sentiment against the communists. The murder of a prominent radio personality LAM Bun didn't help.
With public support, and Beijing sitting on the sidelines, the way was open to confront the leftists. Sensing the tide was turning in their favour, the British took decisive action.
The police sweep through prominent leftist newspapers, detaining the editors. Then they raided the bases of the support organisations to disrupt the infrastructure. Beijing raised half-hearted protests at these actions, with the inference being it was not too concerned. The Hong Kong leftists found themselves isolated, on the wrong side of public opinion, with Beijing passive.
A few strident press statements from Beijing amounted to nothing. The mood turned as the public, and the mainstream media demanded the restoration of law and order. People wanted to get on with their business.
Meanwhile, the performance of the Hong Kong Police gained applause. While it’s true that protesters received beatings, such was the times. Today such acts would be 'human right' abuses. The leftists soon exploited these assaults in their media. Also, British officials grew uncomfortable as the excesses of the stretched Police Force made the headlines.
Context is important. Police families faced threats in the workplace. The children of officers experienced hostility from left-wing teachers. Many moved schools. Against that background, inflamed sentiment amongst the Police is natural.
Even today the leftists harbour a deep resentment at their treatment. Anti-British sentiment simmers amongst their ranks, while they remain confused. Why didn't Beijing come to their rescue baffles them? These attitudes shaped the events that followed 1997, as Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty.
Anticipation amongst the leftists is that jobs with power would come their way. It must be the case they'd now receive rewards for their steadfast support of Beijing. Then, except for TSANG Tak-sing, appointed Secretary for Home Affairs, the old-school leftists remain on the margins. Their resentment is palpable. Ultimately, China had moved on.
1967 was a pivotal year for Hong Kong and the Police Force. The trials and tribulations echo through the years, shaping events to come. The Hong Kong Police Force had earned its laurels, but the future looked far from certain. Corruption and calls for reform would surface in the years ahead, as the Force sought to professionalise. Westerners still held the highest ranks. The approach of 1997 pointed towards a more significant role for local officers. The days ahead looked as challenging as the past.
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