Milk powder. Who’d have thought that milk powder would become a political issue? Specifically, how does milk powder affect Hong Kong’s relationship with the mainland 20 years after 1997? The answer is complicated.
Mainland mothers no longer trusted local producers after the 2008 plastic in milk powder scandal. In response, a whole industry developed to acquire milk powder from Hong Kong. This made it impossible for Hong Kong parents to source milk powder in the city.
Thousands of parallel importers scoured the city, hoovering up all the milk powder. Laws proved necessary to curtail the practice. This episode was part of a series of events that fueled anti-mainland sentiment.
Before 1997, the people of Hong Kong enjoyed a special status that marked them as different from their mainland brothers and sisters. This feeds self-belief: many perceived themselves as more cultured, worldly, and dignified.
Unfortunately, this self-image is now challenged on all fronts. Mainlanders have the money, access to the world, and increasing sophistication. Hong Kong looks like an old frumpy aunt who has been outshone and usurped by an arrogant upstart relative.
Let us face it: 1997 was confusing and unsettling for some Hong Kong people. While a good part of the public embraced the future, recognising Hong Kong’s position in China, others were uneasy. An unknown future, coupled with recent events, including the Tiananmen killings, resonated around their heads. Some opted to leave, moving overseas to make a new life. Often, this was another move in a sequence that saw their ancestors flee unrest on the mainland.
I recall switching over my uniform insignia and cap badge on the handover night. Being busy, I did it before midnight and then finished my work. There was no emotion attached to it. I’d already gone through that process, contemplating whether I’d stay or go. Having opted to remain in the service, I’d made the mental transition. Later, at about 1 am, I ribbed a senior Chinese officer that he was still wearing the colonial badges. That earned me a sharp,“I’ll change when I’m ready.”
My tactless remark exposed a truth. Others were not as sanguine as me. Many of my colleagues found the handover a wrenching experience. Again, the unknowns played a significant role in their uneasiness.
Yet, no matter how you view it, people’s worst fears have proved unfounded. The PLA is not on the streets. The policing of Hong Kong remains in the hands of the locals. Cases are heard in Courts that have demonstrated their autonomy from political interference.
Despite phoney claims that free speech is being suppressed, this is not the case. Any rational assessment supports that view. In print media, online, and radio, people continue to speak freely and express various opinions. I don’t accept the position of the Journalist Association on this matter.
They are hardly impartial observers. They forfeited impartiality by allying themselves to political causes. Their bias is evident in their reporting and actions. I favour a free press that is fair, non-partisan and even-handed. A fair part of the Hong Kong print media is none of these things.
Ardent detractors of China claim the rule of law is under threat. They cite the bookseller abductions, plus the disappearance of Xiao Jianhua from a Hong Kong Hotel. These are rare instances for which an explanation is owed. Moreover, the resulting furore demonstrated that civil society was alive and well.
Hong Kong University has tracked public sentiment in a rolling survey since 1992. The survey is conducted every two months and represents the most thorough assessment of the public mood over time. In broad terms, sentiment fell from 1992 to 1995, then climbed to a high level in 1997 as the handover occurred. The new dawn of rule under China initially played well with the public.
Then, the Asia Financial Crisis and SARS saw public unease grow. Sentiment plunged to new lows as Hong Kong shook under the impact of SARS. The rebound was dramatic, as by 2006, new heights of confidence were reached. Unfortunately, since then, it's been a steady decline. The lowest ratings were recorded during the 2014 Occupy Movement. With the 20th Anniversary next week, the sentiment data remains in the doldrums.
A lot of baggage complicates Hong Kong’s relationship with the Mainland. Many residents came to Hong Kong, fleeing the upheavals of China in the 1950s and 1960s.
Still, the inescapable truth is that the blood links to the mainland are deep. Some worked to help China stand up as it adopted an open-door policy, and they made a good living in the process. Then, as China opened up to the world, Hong Kong entrepreneurs gave it substance through investment.
Rightly proud of China's progress, the people of Hong Kong took pride in their contribution. Soon, that pride was overtaken by fears that mainlanders were burning up Hong Kong’s world-class services. Local mothers struggled to access hospitals to give birth as wards overflowed with pregnant mainland mothers.
Then, tourists and traders overwhelmed the streets. The locals felt under siege. While the tourists brought jobs, the economic benefits were not seen by all. Crowded public transport systems grew intolerable as crowds of tourists added to the daily struggle of life.
Instances of open conflict between locals and mainlanders were rare. But social media fed public opinion with widely circulated pictures of people defecating in public or behaving unruly. These instances drove a narrative of uncouth mainlanders. Of course, Hong Kongers are not beyond reproach. It would be easy to produce video clips of locals misbehaving. That’s not the point. The issue here is a rift being fed by echo chamber noise. Until that is disrupted or it lessens, nothing much will change.
Cases of corruption involving the highest levels of government have surfaced in recent years. Given Hong Kong’s history, these are a stark reminder that things could soon slip without vigilance. Delays in dealing with critical issues feed the narrative that governance is eroding. Poverty, the wealth gap, a universal pension scheme, and the lamentable MPF rip-off all irk the public. Many in the community believe they are getting a poor deal.
Meanwhile, the government favours vested interests over the wider community. The veracity of these assertions is debatable. But, people perceive it to be accurate, and thus, that shapes their sentiment.
The government could sway sentiment with a few simple initiatives. The question is, does it have the courage to tackle these issues? It cannot make the excuse it has limited financial resources. Hong Kong’s Treasury is flush with cash. Foreign exchange reserves in Hong Kong increased to an all-time high of $402.7 billion in May of 2017.
It represents over seven times the currency in circulation. Then there are the vast sums hidden in other accounts. The bottom line is that the government has the funds to pay for a decent old-age pension scheme and revamp the MPF.
Conversely, the public of Hong Kong needs to count their blessings. Our city remains a safe place. Children can take public transport or move about without fear of crime. Taxes are low. Our public transport system is the envy of the world. It’s easy to set up a business here. A 20-minute drive from just about anywhere in the city will take you to idyllic beaches and hiking trails over lush green mountains.
With one restaurant for every 600 people, Hong Kong boasts one of the world's highest concentrations of cafes and restaurants. And the setting. That view from the Peak or the Kowloon waterfront takes your breath away. So, lighten up Hong Kong.
June 2017
Mainland mothers no longer trusted local producers after the 2008 plastic in milk powder scandal. In response, a whole industry developed to acquire milk powder from Hong Kong. This made it impossible for Hong Kong parents to source milk powder in the city.
Thousands of parallel importers scoured the city, hoovering up all the milk powder. Laws proved necessary to curtail the practice. This episode was part of a series of events that fueled anti-mainland sentiment.
Before 1997, the people of Hong Kong enjoyed a special status that marked them as different from their mainland brothers and sisters. This feeds self-belief: many perceived themselves as more cultured, worldly, and dignified.
Unfortunately, this self-image is now challenged on all fronts. Mainlanders have the money, access to the world, and increasing sophistication. Hong Kong looks like an old frumpy aunt who has been outshone and usurped by an arrogant upstart relative.
Let us face it: 1997 was confusing and unsettling for some Hong Kong people. While a good part of the public embraced the future, recognising Hong Kong’s position in China, others were uneasy. An unknown future, coupled with recent events, including the Tiananmen killings, resonated around their heads. Some opted to leave, moving overseas to make a new life. Often, this was another move in a sequence that saw their ancestors flee unrest on the mainland.
I recall switching over my uniform insignia and cap badge on the handover night. Being busy, I did it before midnight and then finished my work. There was no emotion attached to it. I’d already gone through that process, contemplating whether I’d stay or go. Having opted to remain in the service, I’d made the mental transition. Later, at about 1 am, I ribbed a senior Chinese officer that he was still wearing the colonial badges. That earned me a sharp,“I’ll change when I’m ready.”
My tactless remark exposed a truth. Others were not as sanguine as me. Many of my colleagues found the handover a wrenching experience. Again, the unknowns played a significant role in their uneasiness.
Yet, no matter how you view it, people’s worst fears have proved unfounded. The PLA is not on the streets. The policing of Hong Kong remains in the hands of the locals. Cases are heard in Courts that have demonstrated their autonomy from political interference.
Despite phoney claims that free speech is being suppressed, this is not the case. Any rational assessment supports that view. In print media, online, and radio, people continue to speak freely and express various opinions. I don’t accept the position of the Journalist Association on this matter.
They are hardly impartial observers. They forfeited impartiality by allying themselves to political causes. Their bias is evident in their reporting and actions. I favour a free press that is fair, non-partisan and even-handed. A fair part of the Hong Kong print media is none of these things.
Ardent detractors of China claim the rule of law is under threat. They cite the bookseller abductions, plus the disappearance of Xiao Jianhua from a Hong Kong Hotel. These are rare instances for which an explanation is owed. Moreover, the resulting furore demonstrated that civil society was alive and well.
Hong Kong University has tracked public sentiment in a rolling survey since 1992. The survey is conducted every two months and represents the most thorough assessment of the public mood over time. In broad terms, sentiment fell from 1992 to 1995, then climbed to a high level in 1997 as the handover occurred. The new dawn of rule under China initially played well with the public.
Then, the Asia Financial Crisis and SARS saw public unease grow. Sentiment plunged to new lows as Hong Kong shook under the impact of SARS. The rebound was dramatic, as by 2006, new heights of confidence were reached. Unfortunately, since then, it's been a steady decline. The lowest ratings were recorded during the 2014 Occupy Movement. With the 20th Anniversary next week, the sentiment data remains in the doldrums.
A lot of baggage complicates Hong Kong’s relationship with the Mainland. Many residents came to Hong Kong, fleeing the upheavals of China in the 1950s and 1960s.
Still, the inescapable truth is that the blood links to the mainland are deep. Some worked to help China stand up as it adopted an open-door policy, and they made a good living in the process. Then, as China opened up to the world, Hong Kong entrepreneurs gave it substance through investment.
Rightly proud of China's progress, the people of Hong Kong took pride in their contribution. Soon, that pride was overtaken by fears that mainlanders were burning up Hong Kong’s world-class services. Local mothers struggled to access hospitals to give birth as wards overflowed with pregnant mainland mothers.
Then, tourists and traders overwhelmed the streets. The locals felt under siege. While the tourists brought jobs, the economic benefits were not seen by all. Crowded public transport systems grew intolerable as crowds of tourists added to the daily struggle of life.
Instances of open conflict between locals and mainlanders were rare. But social media fed public opinion with widely circulated pictures of people defecating in public or behaving unruly. These instances drove a narrative of uncouth mainlanders. Of course, Hong Kongers are not beyond reproach. It would be easy to produce video clips of locals misbehaving. That’s not the point. The issue here is a rift being fed by echo chamber noise. Until that is disrupted or it lessens, nothing much will change.
Cases of corruption involving the highest levels of government have surfaced in recent years. Given Hong Kong’s history, these are a stark reminder that things could soon slip without vigilance. Delays in dealing with critical issues feed the narrative that governance is eroding. Poverty, the wealth gap, a universal pension scheme, and the lamentable MPF rip-off all irk the public. Many in the community believe they are getting a poor deal.
Meanwhile, the government favours vested interests over the wider community. The veracity of these assertions is debatable. But, people perceive it to be accurate, and thus, that shapes their sentiment.
The government could sway sentiment with a few simple initiatives. The question is, does it have the courage to tackle these issues? It cannot make the excuse it has limited financial resources. Hong Kong’s Treasury is flush with cash. Foreign exchange reserves in Hong Kong increased to an all-time high of $402.7 billion in May of 2017.
It represents over seven times the currency in circulation. Then there are the vast sums hidden in other accounts. The bottom line is that the government has the funds to pay for a decent old-age pension scheme and revamp the MPF.
Conversely, the public of Hong Kong needs to count their blessings. Our city remains a safe place. Children can take public transport or move about without fear of crime. Taxes are low. Our public transport system is the envy of the world. It’s easy to set up a business here. A 20-minute drive from just about anywhere in the city will take you to idyllic beaches and hiking trails over lush green mountains.
With one restaurant for every 600 people, Hong Kong boasts one of the world's highest concentrations of cafes and restaurants. And the setting. That view from the Peak or the Kowloon waterfront takes your breath away. So, lighten up Hong Kong.
June 2017
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